ASSYRIANS AT THE IRAQI OPPOSITION MEETINGS

There was no seat at the table for the Assyrians last August, when Iraqi opposition groups met to discuss how to govern their homeland should Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein be toppled. The Assyrians, like the better-known Kurds, are an oppressed ethnic minority in Iraq with a significant diaspora in the United States, but unlike the Kurds, the Assyrians had no name recognition in Washington-until the Assyrian American League turned to lobbyist Michael Flanagan, a former Republican congressman from Illinois.

Flanagan, who has known the head of the Chicago-based AAL since they were kids, called on his former Capitol Hill colleague, Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Ill.), and asked for help getting the attention of the State Department.

Hyde, in turn, wrote to Secretary of State Colin Powell, urging him to include leaders of the Assyrian and other minority communities in future meetings.

It worked. Representatives from the Assyrian community have been included in the opposition meetings ever since.

As President George W. Bush presses the case for a U.S. invasion of oil-rich Iraq and United Nations weapons inspectors resume their investigations, the endgame for ousting Hussein and his governing Arab Bath Socialist Party is fast approaching. And scores of opposition groups are arguing for a prominent role in any new government.

"It is the people holding the guns in Baghdad when the regime changes who will determine what the next regime will look like," says Michael Amitay, executive director of the Washington Kurdish Institute, a nonprofit humanitarian assistance organization.

Most likely, the United States will hold a few of those guns, hence political groups of all sorts have been lining up at the State Department, Congress, the Pentagon-wherever someone will listen-to make their cases for prominence and support.

"They're playing for all the marbles now," Flanagan says.

The majority of Iraqi opposition groups don't have much contact with the U.S. government, but those that do are working hard to be among the anointed-those the United States will support as leaders in a post-Hussein Iraq. The Assyrians aren't the only ones to hire D.C. pros to improve their standing in the pool of potential power players.

The Iraqi National Congress, a group whose de facto head is charismatic Shiite businessman Ahmed Chalabi, has former Central Intelligence Director James Woolsey on its payroll. And the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iraq has local lobby shop O'Connor & Hannan. Many groups, dissidents, and exiles rely on their own contacts to work the U.S. political angles.

Representatives of the Assyrian community had participated in larger Iraqi opposition conferences, but the August meeting was different. It was the first U.S.-sponsored meeting of opposition groups the U.S. government believes will play a major role in a post-Hussein Iraq.

The Big Six, as the select group was called before the addition of the Assyrians, included the Constitutional Monarchy Movement, led by a cousin of the last Iraqi king of the Hashemite dynasty; the Iraqi National Accord, with a core of former Iraqi officers and Arab Bath Socialist Party officials; the Kurdistan Democratic Party; the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan; the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, a Shiite group based in Iran with an underground fighting force in southern Iraq; and the London-based Iraqi National Congress.

The Big Six, even with the Assyrians, is in no way representative of the Iraqi opposition as a whole, however.

"The Iraqi opposition is a broad-based social force," says Phyllis Bennis, a fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies, a liberal think tank in Washington. "The U.S. government works with a tiny sector of that force, those it has identified as supporting a war. Many others who oppose the regime are also opposed to war and opposed to sanctions. They know the Iraqi people are going to suffer in a war."

Indeed, many Iraqis in the United States and in Iraq identify themselves as independent of any political or opposition party. According to Iraqi expatriates and other Iraq-watchers, widespread distrust of the United States exists among these independents.

Nevertheless, many independent opposition groups have been trying to cozy up to the United States as talk of a U.S.-led invasion of Iraq has intensified.

"There's recognition among Iraqis that if the U.S. plays the role of toppling the government, having influence in Washington will play a role in determining the outcome and the position of yourself or your party in a new government. But it doesn't work well in terms of one's credibility inside Iraq," says Erik Gustafson, a Gulf War veteran and executive director of the D.C.-based Education for Peace in Iraq Center.

"There is the paradox the groups deal with," he says. "You don't want to place yourself too close to Washington, but because the U.S. is going to play such a major role, you want to have some influence in Washington."

The State Department has been trying to facilitate dialogue between the various groups and has organized the Future of Iraq Project, a series of meetings bringing together U.S. government representatives and Iraqi opposition leaders to discuss transitional justice, agriculture, democratic principles, and other issues under a new Iraqi government.

Iraqi opposition organizations invited to participate in the working groups include the Iraq Turkoman Front, a Turkish-government-sponsored group working on behalf of the Turkoman ethnic minority in Iraq; the Iraqi National Movement; and the Alliance of Iraqi Tribes.

After surviving more than two decades of Hussein's dictatorship, the Iraqi opposition can still be a jumble of rivalrous factions jockeying for position. If Hussein's regime were to fall today, there would be no coherent plan to replace him. Still, one of the few opinions shared among these groups is that the sooner Hussein is out of power, the better.

But some participants have voiced concerns about what they perceive as pressure to support a U.S. war in Iraq. Many leaders resent the seeming omnipresence of U.S. officials in Iraqi opposition discussions.

To a certain extent, "we think the meddling of American diplomacy is causing division in the Iraqi opposition," says Nabil Roumayah, a prominent member of the Iraqi Democratic Union, a Michigan-based opposition group that claims supporters from all segments of Iraqi society.

"We see the U.S. supporting this today and that tomorrow, one group now and another group later. They don't have a clear policy and that has created a bad situation for the Iraqi opposition. Sometimes, we wish we were left alone to work out our differences ourselves."

The State Department did not respond to requests for comment.

The opposition groups tend to fall into two broad categories: those with a presence of some sort within Iraq and those composed primarily of exiles with few associates on the ground in Iraq, but strong ties to the U.S. military.

The Iraqi National Congress, which has a long history in Iraq but is now rather small relative to other opposition organizations, is one of the latter. It's also one of the best-connected, with former CIA director Woolsey pressing its case. The Iraqi National Congress is reported by many Iraq watchers to have found favor with Vice President Dick Cheney and the Pentagon, if not the State Department.

Woolsey was in Prague at a NATO conference last week and could not be reached. But the Iraqi National Congress, as a policy matter, shares the administration's view that an armed invasion of Iraq is the right approach. This year Congress allocated $25 million for the group, $17 million of which is for use within Iraq.

The Kurdish and Shiite groups, says the Education for Peace in Iraq Center's Gustafson, seem to have the support of the State Department as dependable players in a post-Hussein Iraq.

O'Connor & Hannon principal Thomas Corcoran, who represents the Kurdistan Democratic Party, did not return calls.

Representatives of other opposition groups claim the Iraqi National Congress tried to pack a conference scheduled for Nov. 22 in Brussels with its supporters. The U.S.-backed conference, at which at least 300 delegates were expected, was where plans for a post-Hussein regime were to take shape, Flanagan says. That meeting was postponed until mid-December, in London.

"The meeting will not be successful," Roumayah says. "It will be postponed for good unless it represents the whole spectrum of the Iraqi opposition."

The Bush administration has begun requesting contributions of military personnel and support from U.S. allies in the event of a war with Iraq.

The vast majority of Iraqis, the Institute for Policy Studies' Bennis says, "are going to spend the war not fighting for or against the U.S. or Iraq, but hiding from the bombs."

Siobhan Roth
Legal Times
25 November

ninos aho & yosip bet-yosip

The calling of the New Assyrian is the second jointly published collection of poems by Ninos Aho and Yosip Bet Yosip; the first ensemble was produced and published in the early 1970s under the title Atoraya Khata – the Modern Assyrian. The new collection introduces a composition of new poems – with a few renditions of their classics - on two CDs, one by each artist. While Ninos Aho presents his lyrics in both east and west vernacular Assyrian dialects (Swadaya and Turoyo) well polished by classic Syriac, Yosip Bet Yosip reads in East Assyrian only (1).

The listener, at first, is overwhelmed by the comprehensiveness of the collection consisting of one powerful poem after another. Indeed, the compilation of such magnitude on modern media (2) marks a great accomplishment that can be classified as a milestone in contemporary Assyrian poetry.

If one can set aside some time for careful listening and reflection, which is a pre-requisite to appreciate this marvelous collection, it becomes evident that the lyrics can only come from someone who was involved from the early days in organizations who shaped our nation’s Umtanayuta.  Ninos was a second generation Mtakasta (Assyrian Democratic Organization) activist while Yosip was a member of the Youth Organization acting as founder of Huyada (Assyrian Universal Alliance).

Their message marks a continuation in the footsteps of well-known great teachers and fathers of Assyrian nationalism and to a certain extent revolutionaries like Freydon Aturaya, Adday Alkhas,Yuhanon Qashisho, and William Daniel.

Ninos Aho was born on April 24, 1945 (Nisan of the Assyrian Year 6695) in the small village of Girkeh-Shamo in the Syrian-part of Mesopotamia.

From his early youth, Ninos was interested and moved by the teachings of the Assyrian national leaders like Naum Faiq and Farid Nuzha. He believed in national activism with high ethics and dedication. He diligently worked and continues to work towards the revival of Assyrian culture, heritage and unity. He has written numerous articles, and poems published in Assyrian magazines. Ninos’ mastery of the eastern Assyrian dialect is no surprise at all if one knows that in 1972 he had the privilege to have the late and great poet Rabbie William Daniel as his teacher.

Ninos is powerfully eloquent in his poems. His lyrics are the basis for dozens of romantic and national songs compiled and published in 2000 (3) as an Anthology.

The statement “continuing to deliver his nationalistic ideology through his poems” in his biography, makes me fully convinced that he has his guidance from the late Malfono Naum Faiq’s nationalism about whom David Perley wrote in a biographical study (4):“…he [Faiq] transformed the inmost truth of his nation into verse”.

Yosip Bet-Yosip was born on April 15, 1942 (Nisan of the Assyrian Year 6692) in the village of Zumalan, a village in the region of Urmia., Persian-part of Mesopotamia.  In his early youth Yosip was eagerly interested in Assyrian culture and heritage and listened curiously to traditional songs, poetry, and story-telling conducted by the local elders. He joined Shushata Umtanaya (National Progress), a well-known Assyrian youth organization and became more involved in Assyrian organizations. He was involved in the establishment of the first ever Assyrian library project in Iran.

In 1968 Yosip witnessed the founding of the Assyrian Universal Alliance (AUA). Along with Maestro Nebu Isaabey’s music his lyrics were selected as the first Assyrian National Anthem (Romrama). He has written numerous poems, articles, and coral lyrics and is an active member of the Assyrian Choir in San Jose/CA. His most recent activity was – among others - the presentation of “The Garden of Gods – My Homeland Bet-Nahrain” at the World Congress of Poets held in Iasi, Romania during October 2002.

Both poets, one being from the West the other one from the East not only span a cosmos of nationalistic Mesopotamian heritage, they share a deep friendship for decades. Knowing both of them (5),  I’m convinced that their friendship serves as one key source for their inspiration as well.

Images & Concepts

Personally, the great discovery of this collection is that both poets masterfully tackle themes of nation, ancient history and its modern interpretations by applying strong images and concepts. They associate the glorios past of pre-Christian authorities (e.g. by referencing such ancient Assyrian deities and figures as Ashur, Tammuz, Ishtar, Gilgamesh along with metropolis like Nineveh, Akkad) with modern themes of nationalism and unity without missing the elements of the Christian Era.

Ninos' images for instance pull you into each poem and deep into history and back to modern places of Assyrian presence. While listening, it is difficult resisting a seductive meta-level of feelings.

Yosip applies strong and powerful messages as well. Even though he is embedding his messages into contextual information, certain historical knowledge is expected to follow. He presents his messages in a chronological fashion, consequently forcing the listener to be fixed into a thoughtful state, yet delightful.

Ninos’ poems are a potent force in the ongoing reinforcement of the homogenous yet multi-denominational Assyrian nationalist identity. Furthermore, poetic interpretations of history as a narrative of the past synthesized into the present of Assyrians projected on their historic homeland Beth-Nahrin as presented by Yosip have the same reinforcing effect.

Ninos recites and articulates strongly. Yosip sounds like a distant messenger, though both carrying heart-touching messages. The series of poems pulls the careful listener into a journey riding over a rainbow that spans thousands of years, while its colors symbolize the different cultural, religious and national facets along the timeline of Assyrian history.

As an example, I would like to touch few of the poems that stand out the most for me, acknowledging that this is a subjective and random choice only.  The poem Yuhanon Qashisho for instance is more than a wonderful obituary to the former teacher and editor of Hujada magazine. Despite the teariness Ninos triggers about a great lost, he masters to sow hope through a powerful link in placing him as a consort and pupil to the great figures like Naum Faiq, Yuhanon Dolabani, Ashur Yusuf and Freydon Aturaya. He calls them to be prepared to welcome him accordingly.

In different poems Ninos recalls memories of the early years in the national movement in Chicago, touches events and encounters, formulates a poetic reply to Professor Oppenheim. He dedicates a beautiful poem to the reunion of friends in Qamishly not missing to give homage to Girke Shamo, his birthplace. The latter has been wonderfully vocalized by Ninib Lahdo, born in Girke Shamo as well.

Alpa Shinne meqim Mshiha is a lamentation about lost of homeland. Most striking for me is its beautiful style – through refrains of key concepts in each verse, the messages are hammered into the listeners’ conscious.

Among my favorite selection in case of Yosip is Sluta d’Aturaya d’Idyum (The Prayer of Today’s Assyrian). It is a powerful mythical and religious poem. For me it is a bridge to the strong traditions of ancient Assyrian religiosity, though with one new significant aspect:  The “New Assyrian” does not accept the pre-Christian Era as so-called pagan period anymore.  On the contrary, it is the source and rationale for his 2000 years of dedication to Christian beliefs, rooted in Assyria.

Similarly outstanding to me is Wardi w Kitwe (Flowers and Thorns). Here the poet is comparing History as documented in the Bible in contrast to that portrayed in the Mesopotamian tablets. He icomplains about cutting ties with the ancestors and adopting different traditions, namely replacing Utnapishtum with Noah, Hammurabi with Moses, Gilgamesh with Samson and so on.

I believe that this subject in general deserves more attention by Assyrians, because Jewish people mastered the creation of the God Yahweh to have an equivalent to God of Gods, Ashur; while succeeded in adapting major religious concepts of Assyria and made them survive until today. Also Greek and Roman people adopted Christianity without denying their pre-Christian traditions and history. Why should Assyrians of today be less proud of the history and religious traditions of their ancient forefathers?

The Garden of Gods is a political poem on Mesopotamia, which served as cradle of civilization; yet under heavy attack today.  It is a poisoned land, its inhabitants driven out of the country, its river dried, and the land not able to provide even a cradle for its own children.

In addition Yosip presents few more political poems. In one, he talks to the flowers of Mesopotamia representing the Assyrian Martyrs and listens to their critical messages about the state of the Nation. They go so far offering even to die again to save the Nation from its problematic situation.

Final Remarks

The collection is cohesive and sounds like a story, yet highlighting very different facets. It is a story of a nation filled with the hopes and sorrows of life along its history – reflecting on its passion and aspirations; it is a philosophical approach for a scattered nation. For me the poets manage to create a sense of urgency, their messages are courageous and bold.  They do not match the hesitant and common approach of nationalistic reality in struggling to overcome the nation’s fragmentation in order to unite. As a result, the poems provide a source of guidance to those who seek new orientation.

Overall, I regard the lyrics as a homage to the Assyrian nation, its history, its identity, and its strong desire for unity. If there is anyone who can bridge the existing gap of the Assyrian national movement through passing over the heritage of its great teachers like Yuhanon Qashisho and William Daniel to the younger generation whose young inquisitive minds starve for such presentations, then it must be Ninos and Yosip.

I highly recommend the collection “The Call of the Modern Assyrian”. It is a beautiful collection of poems. Needless to say, I expect more of the poets work in the near future. Also, I think that both poets have yet another national duty to accomplish: the re-creation of the same eastern verses in Turoyo. Without this their messages will not reach the hearts of all Assyrians.

Abdulmesih BarAbrahem

Germany

Footnotes

 ⁽¹⁾ For the first time, Yosip Bet-Yosip presented his poems (Bo’uta Othurayto and Sluto dOthuroyo dYawmono) in the west Assyrian at the Mesopotamia Association in the City of Augsburg in Germany on October 2002. The readings were enriched by few beautiful ballads.

⁽²⁾ Produced by the Assyrian-American Association of San Jose, California. Background music by various peoples and studios, and a beautiful design by Homer Younan

⁽³⁾ For more biographical information, see also the Leaflet provided in the cover of the CD

⁽⁴⁾ Anthology of Poems by Ninos Aho, published by the Assyrian Voice Production 2000. The 18 poems in west and east dialect are vocalized by Ninib Lahdo, Aziz Saliba, Kamil Hanna and Wadi Al-Safi. The CD is available from Nahro Beth-Kinne, 122 Rue des 2 Eglises, 1210 Brussels, Belgium

⁽⁵⁾ Naoum Palak, the "Sainted Apostle of Nationalism" extracted from and comments on "A Brief Study in the Palak Nationalism", by Dr. David Barsoum Perley LL.B. – Review by Sanharib Shukri, Australia, 2002

⁽⁶⁾ I’ve known Ninos since 1986 when we meet during a Kha b’Nisan celebration in Hackensack, New Jersey. I was on a research stay in Princeton and guest of the late Orthodox Bishop Samuel for the day; Ninos gave the welcome speech to the evening in Turoyo. I made the acquaintance of Yosip at the Assyrian-American Association in San Jose, California in 1994.

[Z-Info:  Abdulmesih BarAbrahem was born in Midyat, Tur Abdin in the Turkish part of Mesopotamia and emigrated with his parents to Germany in the mid-1960s, where he completed his entire second-grade education and received his M.Sc. from the University of Erlangen-Nürnberg in the field of Computer Science.  In 1972, he initiated and organized the first ever Assyrian gathering in West Germany. This marked the beginning of organized public Assyrian activities in Europe. Since then he has published numerous articles on Assyrian topics.  From 1993 to 1999 he lived in California. He is currently President of the Kuratorium of the Yoken Bar Yoken Foundation.]

BNDP ENDORSES ZOWAA’S STANCE ON KURDISH PROPOSALS

A Press Release of the Bet Nahrain Democratic Party
For Immediate Release
20 November 2002

The Kurdish Parliament in northern Iraq, in its assembly of 11-7-2002 debated and approved both forms of the constitutions. This comes at a time when Iraq as a whole is passing through difficult and decisive stage where the results are not clear.

This proposal is surrounded with suspicions and causes lack of confidence and despair in lieu of brotherhood and trust in a joined struggle which our Assyrian people render to the Kurds during the last forty years. As out come was the vengeance of the central government poured upon our people in form of destruction of their villages, Churches and Farms, plus forcing them to migrate into other regions or behind Iraqi borders. Only to have their Kurdish Allies resettle in their Villages, Thus completing the Kurdofication of the Assyrian territories, While expelling the rest into unknown fate, This resulted in changing the region's Demography forever.

Right after the popular uprising, a change took place with the presence of Western allies protecting the northern region, and providing an opportunity for the Kurdish political parties to return to the Cities and take control of the region's administration, in hope the when time is ripe, Iraq people will remove the fascist regime in Baghdad and subtitle it with a Democratic process that will respect and recognize the Iraqi nationalities and religious sects.

Our people have their share of suffering equally with the Kurdish one prior to the uprising of 1991 and joined the resistant movement in the Cities and Mountains and also took part in the Kurdisani front through the Assyrian Democratic Movement, hopping and struggling for equality and justice, the ADM was able to win four seats plus one independent for our people within the Kurdish Parliament.

The Assyrian representative took part in adopting several decision to implement democracy in the region, also they demanded of the authorities to order the return of the Villages and Farms to their Assyrian inhabitants, there were several against Assyrian leaders which still unsolved in spite of continues inquiries by our officials there.

Our people firmly believe in brotherly existence and sharing the destiny of the homeland, yet our expectations and aspirations have run through various hurdles of Bureaucracy aimed at belittling our cause and forfeiting our nationalistic existence.

While we still as we did in the past support a federated Iraqi system, one that guaranties the rights of all Iraqi nationalities in order to attain National unity and brighter future that will serve all the concerned parties while guarding the rights, characteristics and nationalistic status within a national united congress.

The following is are references to the unfair articles include in both versions of the constitutions in question:

1- The project refer to the Iraqi people as Arabs and Kurds only, plus nationalistic groups, which means marginalizing the Assyrian and Turkmen, this in itself an insult to Democracy, and it contradict Mr. Masoud Al Barazani's statement (KDP Chairman ) "I hate the phrase ethnic minorities, each nationality should be identified by name whether its small or large in numbers", the above reference also contradict Mr. Jalal Talabani ( PUK, secretary General) statement made in a meeting with an Assyrian political delegation (on video ), saying to them "you are not here to demand your rights, rather you are entitle to it, since you are the indigenous people of Iraq".

2- At the time when the parliament debated the Kurdish people rights, they barely touched on the ethnic minorities equal rights while not identifying their nationalities by name.

3- Continuous interference in Assyrian internal affairs and addressing our religious sects as nationalities (Assyrian and Chaldean) can only be seen as an action which render two different nationalities, this is aimed to weakening our position and minimizing our rights and nationalistic status not to forget derailing our cause.

4- The constitutional project divides Iraq into two federated regions, Arabic and Kurdish, plus a parliament or assembly formed of their respective representatives, thus ignoring the roll of other nationalities (Assyrian and Turkmen ). While we are with a federated region for our Kurdish brothers, yet we demand and aspire for a federal system that will insure participation and sharing of all other nationalities, while guarantying their recognition and equal national and nationalistic rights. Even though we respect the Kurdish people's right of self determination, we also demand similar secured rights for our Assyrian people, since we participated in the parliamentarian process and lived the practice of democracy in Kurdish (North Region of Iraq) where two Assyrians members of the parliament were assassinated namely Francis Shabo of the Assyrian Democratic Movement and Franso Hariri of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. Their martyrdom witness the believe of our people in brotherly existence sharing and protecting the region along the homeland.

We promise our people to continue the struggle which was initiated by our nation’s Martyrs for our rights as a people and original natives of Iraq, also we will struggle to reinforce our brotherly relations with the Kurdish people along with the other Iraqi nationalities, Arabs and Turkmen, so that we all may secure a united national process which will prevail in all of Iraq, to maintain freedom, peace and prosperity for all the Iraqis.

Bet-Nahrain Democratic Party,
Political Bureau
(Shimon Khamo, Secretary General)

NEW ZEALAND CENSUS DATA ON ASSYRIAN REFUGEES

Courtesy of Waikato Times (23 November)

(ZNDA: Waikato) Last year's census in New Zealand showed that 11,019 new migrants arrived in the Waikato in the five years from 1996 to 2001, says Waikato University researcher Dr Elsie Ho. She estimates that about half were Europeans, about 40 per cent were Asian and about 5 per cent Pacific people.

The vast majority of newcomers settled in Hamilton, while each of the other council regions received at most 200. According to the Census information of July 2002, some 2000 refugees arrived in New Zealand from Iraq after 1988, joined later by family members. Of these 300 were of Assyrian nationality.

DECEMBER 1 SET ASIDE AS NATIONAL DAY OF PRAYER FOR RAIN IN AUSTRALIA

Courtesy of Australian Associated Press (28 November)

(ZNDA: Sydney) Fifteen church groups, including the Church of the East and Syrian Orthodox Church, have set aside December 1 as a national day of prayer for the drought ravaging many parts of Australia. The day will also be a time to pray for the environment, the National Council of Churches said today.

"Most, if not all, worshipping groups in Australia have been praying for rain for some time, but all have been asked to do so on December 1," National Council of Churches spokesman Reverend John Henderson said.

"Now is the time for Australians to go back to their churches and places of worship to speak to God about what is in their hearts.

"Church communities across the country are ready to serve, and to pray, with people in every situation."

Reverend Henderson said church leaders believed prayers for rain, and the environment, were best done in the communities where local needs were best known.

"Prayer in local places puts people in contact with one another, and helps them express their beliefs and fears," he said.

Fifteen groups are represented by the council, including Anglican, Antiochian Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, Coptic Orthodox, Greek Orthodox, Lutheran, Roman Catholic, Romanian Orthodox, Syrian Orthodox and the Uniting Church.

The Church of the East is also represented along with the Religious Society of Friends, Salvation Army, and the Churches of Christ Congregational Federation of Australia.