YONADAM KANNA REPRESENTS CHALDEAN-ASSYRIAN CHRISTIANS IN THE INTERIM GOVERNING COUNCIL

The Interim Governing Council held its inaugural meeting on Sunday, 13 July in a Baghdad auditorium, representing religious and ethnic factions in Iraq. The council will have substantial but limited powers, under the guidance of post-war U.S. administrator in Iraq, Mr. Paul Bremmer.

Massoud Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, left, U.S. administrator Paul Bremer, red tie, and Yonadam Kanna, right, invite each other into lunch during the inaugural meeting of a governing council in Baghdad Sunday, July 13, 2003.

One of the 25 members of the Governing Council is Mr. Yonadam Kanna, Secretary General of the Assyrian Democratic Movement. The official title of Mr. Kanna in the Council shall be “Secretary-General of the Assyrian Democratic Movement, Representing the Chaldean-Assyrian Christians of Iraq”.

In a report by the Associated Press today the following comment was noted about Mr. Kanna: “An Assyrian Christian, Secretary-General of the Democratic Assyrian Movement and active member of the Assyrian-Chaldian Christian community. He was a former minister of Public Works and Housing and a former minister of Industry and Energy. He began activism against Saddam in 1979.”

The Council announced that April 9, the day U.S. troops toppled a statue of Saddam in central Baghdad's Firdos Square, would be a national holiday.

In an interview with Zinda Magazine, Mr. Kanna explained that he will work diligently to promote the political and cultural rights of the Chaldean-Assyrian Christians in Iraq.

The Governing Council is the principal body of the interim administration of Iraq called for in U.N. Security Council Resolution 1483. It will exercise specific powers in addition to representing the interests of the Iraqi people to the Coalition Provisional Authority and the international community.

Mr. Kanna will be a guest of the Socialist International Organization in Rome, Italy between July 18 and 20. A delegation of SIO leadership met with the ADM leadership on 19 June and discussed ways to establish a multi-ethnic and representative democratic and secular government which respects the equal rights of all ethnic groups, religions and genders in Iraq.

IRAQI ASSYRIANS? LET’S STAY WITH THE FACTS

A Critique of Rev. Ken Joseph’s Presentation

Alas, I was not present for Rev. Ken Joseph’s San Jose presentation (June 11, 2003) on the Assyrian situation in Iraq. However I believe I have a general understanding of it, based on various sources, including Fred Aprim’s commentary (in Zinda, June 19, 2003), other published letters, and observations received from actual attendees. What Rev. Joseph shared with his audience was both depressing and disturbing, not so much for the grim scenario he painted, but because a good deal of what he said appears dogmatic and not grounded in fact.

Indeed, Rev. Joseph’s presentation was eerily reminiscent of the message delivered in the mid-eighteenth century by Western missionaries plying their way through north Assyria (Hakkari and Urmia). It conjured for me visions of Dr. Asahel Grant, the then head of the Presbyterian Mission, and author of “The Nestorians; or, the Lost Tribes”. According to Grant, the cumulation of tragedies and misfortunes visited upon the Assyrians would have the felicitous result of turning them away from heretic Nestorianism and steering them on the “right path” to the Lord.

Having made a recent visit of my own to Baghdad, I can confirm that Assyrians in Iraq are indeed lacking basic necessities, particularly in terms of food, medicine, and security. While this is a deplorable situation, it is just one side of the coin. Yet it so frustrated Rev. Joseph that he allowed it to color his judgment about the general spirit and capacity of Iraqi Assyrians. By jumping to conclusions, I feel he has seriously misread the attachment of Iraqi Assyrians both in terms of their national and religious affairs, at the present time as well as in their future.

We must begin with the premise that a single visit, or even occasional visits, is hardly sufficient to constitute the basis of expertise about Iraqi affairs or the Assyrian role in them. This would be particularly true of an individual who is basically alien to that country and its culture. In my own case, I was born and raised in Iraq, and I received all of my education there, up to and including a Master’s degree in political science. I spent 40 years of my life in that country, I was involved in Assyrian nationalistic activities, I have authored several books and articles on the Assyrians, and I have visited Gerbia (north Iraq) several times (prior to Iraq’s liberation). As recently as last month, I spent some 10 days in Baghdad, much of the time in face-to-face meetings with Assyrians, their political parties, their churches, and their cultural and social organizations. Yet with all of this relevant background, I would not presume myself qualified or entitled to prescribe any specific course of action for the Iraqi Assyrians. As someone who lives in the Diaspora, I do not experience firsthand the daily deprivations, indignities or anxieties of my fellow Assyrians who live there. At the very most, I can only assume to be a supporter of the choices made by those who remain there. It is their prerogative, not ours.

This is not to suggest that there are no points of agreement between myself and Rev. Joseph. Some of these similarities and differences in our positions may be of interest. Of course, I agree with Rev. Joseph that Iraqi Assyrians are in need of moral support and financial or material assistance from the Diaspora Assyrians. However, I totally disagree with the idea that Iraqi Assyrians “are not qualified to carry on sophisticated dialogue in English …[;that] they lack the basic communication skills in the language of those making the decisions, i.e. English…[;that] they are not in a position to make any demands because they are afraid of the Kurds and the Shi’as. Whatever demands the Assyrian representatives are making, are coming from a point of weakness and not from strength …they lack self-confidence; and are hesitant from presenting their rightful demands … therefore… they need qualified Assyrians from the Diaspora to negotiate with the Americans aggressively”.

Regarding the ability of Iraqi Assyrians in the English language, I would repeat a fact well known to the Diaspora Assyrians of Iraqi origin, every one of whom knows that the Iraqi Assyrians, since early last century, were—and still, up to today, are—the most proficient in using English among any of the other Iraqi ethnicities. As I recall my schoolboy days in Iraq, other Iraqis suspected us of being Western sympathizers not only because of our Christianity, but also because of our unusual strength in the English language. Habbaniya, the Iraqi Petroleum Company (IPC), Ain Zala, the Basrah Petroleum Company (BPC), the Training Centre in Kirkuk and the many private banks in Baghdad and Kirkuk are some of the employment venues which eagerly employed Assyrians, attesting to their capability in English. .

In respect to Assyrian representatives in Iraq, I am sure they are far more qualified in sophisticated dialogue in English than other ethnic representatives are, and they can make their demands in a clear and logical manner. I have witnessed more that one session of negotiations and the wording of statements of such demands in English by Assyrian representatives (for instance see Mar Gewargis letter of May 11. 2003 to Mr. G. Garner).

Rev. Joseph also misses the boat when it comes to the issue of Iraqi Assyrians lawyers, qualified individuals and legal experts. A number of my student colleagues at the University of Baghdad became practicing lawyers. I view them and their colleagues as amply qualified to articulate and formulate constitutional protections for our people. In fact, two of them were recently elected to the Kirkuk city council. But in any case, Rev. Joseph and other readers need to keep in mind that the Iraqi constitution and its statutes will be drafted in Arabic, not in English. A number of Iraqi experts are at this very time working with American advisors on this project. No doubt once this initial task is completed, both the new Constitution and the new laws will also be translated to Kurdish, Syriac and Turkish.

I believe that Rev. Joseph’s limited grasp of our people in Iraq has also led him to exaggerate the Assyrian dread of Kurds and Shi’as. I am wondering whether or not Rev. Joseph is aware of the remarkable national achievements realized in Gerbia. This commendable record was produced thanks to the bravery of Assyrians, not because of any intimidation on their part. Assyrians in Gerbia have met with success through hard work, but not as by begging for charity, nor due to any chimeric political posturing, which all too often characterizes the dialogue among Diaspora Assyrians.

Is it possible that Rev. Joseph has not heard of our valiant martyrs, such as Yousip Toma, Youbert Binyamen, Youkhanna Eshoo, and the like? Was he aware that several months before the liberation of Iraq, a group of Assyrian youngsters raised the Assyrian flag during a cultural activity at the Ashurbanipal Society in Baghdad which was witnessed by a Baáth agent and eventually the incident was reported to security police and chairman of the Society was summoned and questioned?

Many are the acts of courage by Assyrians during the years of the dictatorship, well before the arrival of American and British protective forces. Rev. Joseph should be reassured that Assyrian representatives will not be intimidated by either Kurds or Shi’as in demanding their national rights in the period ahead, as the country slowly enters a democratic era.

Raising the Assyrian Flag is another odd issue Rev. Joseph raises in a way at variance with the actual situation of the Iraqi Assyrians. Throughout his visit Rev. Joseph’s eyes observed “the absence of the Assyrian flag while everybody else raises their ethnic flags… and if Assyrians raised their flag … the Moslems will turn against them after American departure”. First of all, it needs to be said that neither the Arabs nor Turkmen have their own ethnic flag in Iraq. While the Kurds have their own flag, it has never been raised it in Baghdad and it is generally neglected because more often the Kurds raise their political parties’ flags, and not an ethnic flag. In addition to political parties’ and the official Iraqi flags, one can see in today’ Baghdad and other cities a wide array of flags. The Muslim green and black flags are perhaps seen the most frequently. In various cities, one may also spot white flags raised atop certain houses, signifying the surrender of a Ba’ath party member who wants to avoid an attack by the coalition forces or by an avenging public. One has the impression that after seeing a variety of colorful flags, Rev. Joseph may have jumped to the erroneous conclusion that they were ethnic flags. But even if this is so, Rev. Joseph visited the Assyrian Democratic Movement, as to my knowledge, and came through the imposing entrance of its headquarter building in Baghdad, and it is surprising that his eyes did not notice the Assyrian Flag fluttering in all its glory at the top of the gate? (See the attached picture).

With regard to the Muslim fundamentalists, there is no arguing that they pose a most serious threat to the future of Assyrians and I believe that Assyrians, as Christians, will be a prime target of this group. Yet we must understand that this particular problem is not exclusively to Assyrians. Other Iraqis face a similar risk, whether they are Arabs, Kurds or Turkemen and each of these ethnicities has previously been involved in armed clashes with the fundamentalists. Americans are well aware of such a threat, and they view it as an extreme destabilizing element to their plans for Iraq and the region. For this reason, the role of Muslim fundamentalists will be restrained by democratic rules; otherwise they will be ruled out of the game in the same way as Imam M. Fartoosi, who called for terrorist actions against women, cinemas and other symbols of modern life, who eventually was imprisoned by the American forces. While Imam Fartoosi was recently released from his detention, his voice has been muted, and he has basically disappeared from the politic scene. We should know that the coalition forces liberated Iraq from a brutal dictator and it is safe to assume that they have no intention of handing the country over in to another dictator. Iraq is not Somalia or Afghanistan or Lebanon. To Americans the political and economic significance of Iraq means a lot, more than of other countries in the region.

Perhaps most surprising of all is Rev. Joseph’s opinion about the Christian faith of the Iraqi Assyrians. If you read his comments without knowing Iraqi Assyrians first hand, you would be led to believe that they have turned their back on their faith, and have become infidels, rather than faithful followers of the great Church of the East. How else to interpret Rev. Joseph when he wails that “… the Assyrians of Iraq have almost completely forgotten how to believe and pray … Assyrians have been, for all practical purpose, culturally Islamized … they have forgotten their saviour Jesus Christ, and have forgotten the promise of God that Assyrian will rise again …”?

A couple of observations on this are in order:

First, in a time of crisis and desperation, survival is uppermost in people’s minds. This means that food, shelter and safety take precedence over such issues as nationalism or politics which will be seen as luxurious and secondary things- even to some people as nonsense. Those in charge in critical periods – such as the Americans in Iraq today -- place greater stock on political parties, religious and social institutions, and prominent personalities, and they have little time for public referenda or opinion polls. Under the circumstances, I am sure the Iraqi Assyrians were far more appreciative of Rev. Joseph when he provided them food and bottled water than about the lessons of Isaiah 19:23-25. The same could be said of the empty speechmaking in the Diaspora. Physical sustenance is the word of the day in Iraq.

Second, it is true among all people – Iraqi Assyrians included – that in difficult times they turn to the Lord for help. Worship intensifies. This includes praying, fasting (Nineveh fasting – Ba’oo tha d’ninwayi is a good example), attending mass, and visiting churches and monasteries for supplication and votive offering. I have myself witnessed this phenomenon among Assyrians during the first and the second Gulf wars. This was also well illustrated during my most recent visit to Baghdad, when I attended Sunday mass in early June at Mar Odisho Church of the East. Despite extremely hot weather, intensity of Bisma (incense) and a breakdown in electric power, the turnout was so large that the overflow crowd poured out into the yard and corridor, and blocked air circulation from the open windows or the entrance. In addition to the mass, there was an ordination of a Shamasha (deacon), and a child’s baptism.

On the same day I visited Saint Rita’s church of the Chaldean Catholic Rite in Baghdad (Karrada), where I used to kneel at the front of the statue of Saint Mary and pray during my youth, I found hundreds of people visiting the church to pray. A similar situation prevailed at St. Peter and Paul, a Syriac Orthodox church. Though I did not enter the church, but from the number of vehicles blocking the street, one could assume hundreds of Assyrian worshippers were in attendance

I have to ask how such large turnouts at these various Assyrian churches managed to escape Rev. Joseph’s attention. Perhaps he failed to attend Sunday mass at any of the churches I’ve mentioned, for otherwise he would surely have to revise his opinion and reconsider his statement that the Assyrians of Iraq have lost touch with their faith, and on contrary he would see that the Assyrians of Iraq are real Christians, not infidels.

If I may conclude with some modest advice to Rev. Joseph, it would be the following; in your previous visit to that embattled country, you took our people food and bottled water, which was highly appreciated not only by Iraqi Assyrians, but by Assyrians everywhere in the world. If you should make any further visit to Iraq, I highly recommend that you bring along more food and bottled water, as the need for these is far more urgent than the homily of Isaiah 19: 23-25.

Aprim Shapera
London

PATRIARCH RAPHAEL I BIDAWID

Calling Saddam Hussein a "real gentleman" was hardly likely to endear a clergyman to the outside world. But as head of Iraq's largest Christian church for 14 years - all but the last few months under Saddam's rule - Patriarch Raphael I Bidawid had to tread carefully to protect his 600,000-strong flock.

It was not just the United States that believed he had overstepped the mark. The Vatican was highly concerned by his defence of Saddam's 1990 invasion of Kuwait - the action that triggered the first Gulf war - and diplomatically distanced itself from his remarks, insisting that the invasion was a breach of international law and the UN Charter.

The Chaldean Church - an offshoot of the Assyrian Church of the East - accepted the authority of the Pope in the 16th century and is the only Eastern-rite Catholic church to have grown larger than the church from which it sprang. Iraq's Chaldeans take pride in continuing to use Aramaic - the language Jesus spoke - among themselves and during the liturgy.

While relations between the Assyrians and the Chaldeans are close, Patriarch Raphael failed to bring about the unity between the two he so desired. At the same time there were some Chaldeans who criticised his Latin style, believing he was drawing his church away from its Oriental roots.

Born in British Mandate Iraq soon after the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, Bidawid attended a Dominican-run primary school in Mosul (the Biblical Nineveh) and at the age of 11 entered the Chaldean junior seminary in the town. Identified as a promising student, he was sent to Rome three years later to study theology and philosophy. He remained in the city during the Second World War.

Ordained a priest in October 1944, he obtained a doctorate in philosophy with a thesis on the Islamic theologian Al-Ghazali and a doctorate in theology on Patriarch Timothaos the Great. In 1947 he left Rome and returned to Mosul as vice-rector of the seminary, where he also taught French and moral theology.

From 1950 he served as chaplain to Chaldeans working in the field for the Iraq Petroleum Company. In 1956 he was appointed patriarchal vicar for the diocese of Kirkuk and a year later, at the age of just 35, was appointed Bishop of Amadya in northern Iraq, at the time the youngest Catholic bishop in the world. He attended sessions of the Second Vatican Council in Rome (1962-65). In 1966 he was transferred to the diocese of Beirut, where he stayed for 23 years, having the difficult task of leading his church through the bitter Lebanese civil war.

A synod of the Chaldean Church elected Bidawid Patriarch of Babylon of the Chaldeans in May 1989, following the death of Mar Pulus II Chekho the previous month. His installation in Baghdad's Chaldean cathedral was attended by 10,000 faithful.

As economic and political conditions worsened in Iraq and across the Middle East, Chaldeans emigrated in droves, leaving a dwindling flock at home but a vibrant diaspora, with 170,000 in the United States (with two dioceses of their own) and communities in Europe, Canada, Australia and the Caucasus. Patriarch Raphael was a regular visitor to his scattered flock.

But he is most likely to be remembered for his public endorsement of Saddam's regime. He attacked the Western coalition for launching the first Gulf war (though he was criticised for spending the war outside Iraq). "These nations should feel pretty guilty. It was a vendetta, a shame for humanity," he said.

He also bitterly criticised the subsequent United Nations embargo:

It is a tragedy, not to say a genocide, inadmissible in our times considered civilised. If this is the new world order that is talked about, then we rebel.

On his trips abroad he campaigned vigorously for sanctions to be halted:

You Westerners do not realise that an Arab can do without everything except his dignity. If you touch his dignity he will be as ferocious as a lion.

Raphael had hoped to be able to welcome Pope John Paul to Iraq on his much-desired papal Millennium pilgrimage to Ur of the Chaldees and other Biblical sites. But the Vatican abandoned the visit as the Iraqi regime set too many unacceptable conditions.

Patriarch Raphael faced a dilemma as leader of a Church that straddled the divide between its Oriental homeland and the diaspora in the West. It had to work with the Saddam regime, which initially followed a secularist model that kept Islamists at bay, while suffering in silence such encroachments on its rights as the confiscation of church-run schools.

With its most prominent layman, Tariq Aziz, as deputy prime minister, the Chaldean Church had some state protection. "Christians here are privileged. Saddam gives us what we want, listens to us and protects us," he claimed, perhaps sincerely. But, as an educated man, Raphael was aware of the precarious state of his flock, divided between Saddam's regime, a self-ruled Kurdish zone and a Western diaspora.

Felix Corley
The Independent
12 July 2003