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The Fourth Column
The end of Iraq as a nation state will mark the end of a long 90-year struggle, divided into three 30-year phases, during which the astonishing turns of events are leading up to the restoration of the last of the three ancient nations of Egypt, Israel, and Assyria. The story of the formation of the last of the three blessed nations, or the Fourth Column in Iraq, is one of the most fascinating chapters of modern history. The first phase of the restoration of Assyria began in the year 1918 with the end of the First World War. On this year the Ottoman Empire (modern Turkey) collapsed and the Turkish influence in Palestine and Mesopotamia ended. For the next thirty years the Balfour Declaration of 1917, mass immigration starting in 1920s, World War II and the Holocaust, and the international support for Jews seeking to settle in Palestine helped to restore a national home for the Jews in Palestine. In the 19th century the Ottoman Turks had formed three provinces or Vilayats in Mesopotamia: Mosul or Ninewa ( Nineveh) Vilayat - the heartland of Assyria, the Baghdad Vilayat, and the Basra Vilayat.
In 1921, Iraq was carved out of the Ottoman Empire by combining all three provinces and handed over to a ruling Arab family– the same three provinces that today are being discussed as the Kurdish State in the north, the Sunni State in the center, and the Shi’ai State in the south. In effect, the history of the past 90 years in Iraq has been a history of the un-doing of what the French and the British did in 1918 to Mesopotamia under the Ottoman Turks. Interestingly, it was not until the third phase of the restoration of Assyria that the Mosul Vilayat is politically referred to as Kurdistan. When in 1926 the League of Nations settled the Iraqi-Turkish border dispute (Turks were claiming Mosul Vilayat or North Iraq as a part of greater Turkey) many Kurds began pouring into Iraq from Turkey. Until then the Christians in the Mosul Vilayat outnumbered both Kurds and Arabs. The second phase of the Restoration Period begins exactly 30 years after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire when the independence of the modern State of Israel was achieved in 1948. A period of considerable instability follows in the Middle East as Arabs attempt to regain their hold on the lost Palestinian territories, now called the State of Israel. In Mesopotamia, the monarchy in Iraq was overthrown in 1958 and the Baath - an ideology formulated by a Syrian Christian, Michel Aflaq- comes to power in 1968. Thirty years after the independence of Israel, in 1978 Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, makes a historic visit to the Jewish State, and officially recognizes the state of Israel. In essence, at the end of the second 30-year period, two of the three blessed nations in the prophecy of Isaiah form the highway of mutual political cooperation. The start of the final phase or the last of the three 30-year periods also saw the overthrow of the Shah of Iran and the coming to power of Saddam. This was also the year the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, leading to the rise of the Mujahedeens and the Talibans. All these events in 1978, directly and indirectly, result in the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003, respectively. In 1982 an essay appeared by Oded Yinon in the Journal for Judaism and Zionism’s February issue. It was titled “A Strategy for Israel in the 1980s”. Yinon explains that all Arab states should eventually be broken down into small units and points to the best case scenario in Iraq when it dissolves “into a Shi'ite state, a Sunni state and the separation of the Kurdish part". He concludes: “In Iraq, a division into provinces along ethnic/religious lines as in Syria during Ottoman times is possible. So, three ( or more) states will exist around the three major cities: Basra, Baghdad and Mosul, and Shi'ite areas in the south will separate from the Sunni and Kurdish north.” Twenty years after the publication of Yinon’s essay, in 2002 George W. Bush supported by his Neo-conservative strategists in Washington formulates the Plan of Attack on Mesopotamia and on the first day of the Assyrian new year 6753 invades Iraq – removing Saddam from power and putting into motion the strategy of the breakup of Iraq into the “three or more states”.
In 2005, the academy-award winning political thriller “Syriana” focused on the influence of oil money and its geo-political ramifications in the Middle East. The title “Syriana” was never explained in the film. Last year Zinda Magazine’s staff contacted several film studio and government officials and one anonymous source explained that the name “Syriana” referred to a State Department code name for a country that was to be artificially created by the western powers, namely the United States, to ensure continued access to oil in the Middle East. The source explained further that this country is to be created between the modern countries of Turkey, Iran and Syria – hence called “Syriana” – the name Greeks applied to “Assyria” or “Assyriana”, that which comes of Assyria. The final 30-year phase is to end in 2008 with the creation of Syriana. Since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 the State of Israel has invested hundreds of millions of dollars in helping transform northern Mesopotamia (Bet-Nahrain) or old the Ottoman Ninewa Vilayat into Kurdistan. It has helped create financial institutions, banks, financing redevelopment projects and even provide military and surveillance assistance. As this editorial is going to press, a few blocks away from Zinda office in Washington, James Baker III, the former U.S. Secretary of State during the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War, is leading the Iraq Study Group, commissioned by the Congress to study the policy options regarding the future of Iraq and the implications of breaking up of the country into three or more States. The commission is expected to present its findings and reviews after the November mid-term elections in the United States. Washington and the media may be talking about a political settlement or a power-sharing arrangement between the Arab Sunnis, Arab Shi’ai, and the Kurds; however, the language of the policy options include the phrase “three or more autonomous regional governments” sharing oil revenues in the north and south of Iraq. The House of Iraq cannot be built on three columns; it will collapse under its weight of sectarian divisions between Moslems and non-Moslems, proponents of western-style democracy versus the Sharia rule. The Assyrian Column or the Fourth Column must be seriously taken into consideration, as the only region in Iraq open to both Moslem and non-Moslem minority groups who uphold the primacy of the rule of law and multiculturalism above all restrictive religious laws. At any point in the future, citizens of any one of the other three states or columns may fall prey to a pro-Islamic frenzy. Turkey is a great example of how a so-called nationalist and secular "Islamic" nation can move back and forth between a secular and an Islamic government. The Fall of the Shah in 1978-79 was another clear example. The rights of the Iraqi Christians, Yezidis, Shabaks, Jews, Mandeans, and all other non-Sunni or non-Shi’ai – both Arab or Kurd – can only be protected by the formation of the Fourth Column or the Restoration of Assyria. In short, the Fourth Column is needed to stabilize the future of Iraq – a strategy currently pushed forward by Assyrians in Washington and in Iraq. It is about the formation of the State of Nineveh, an autonomous region encompassing the areas where the majority of the Assyrian people are concentrated in the governorates of Ninawa (Nineveh) and Dohuk. There are many political reasons why the creation of the Fourth Column will be a stabilizing factor in the region – reasons that are currently discussed and studied in Washington. Here it is important to focus on a few other facts and matters of importance.
For the Assyrians of the world, the restoration of Assyria, a nation-state surrounded and outnumbered by non-Christian states is nothing short of a miracle. The realization of this dream in the next few months or years will require careful planning – an Assyrian National Strategy – to be worked out by various political, religious, and civic institutions. Not relying on a consensus building policy among themselves, the advocates of the Fourth Column Plan are working closely with Washington, Baghdad, and Ankara. Yet, there is much more to be done – an effort requiring massive human resources and capital investment. The course is certain – to fulfill our ancient longing, the establishment of an Assyrian state in Mesopotamia; therefore, the going will be tougher than before. It has taken two enormous genocides of non-Moslem nations in 1915 and during the WWII, ninety years of upheaval, relentless wars and destruction, to bring us to this point in our history. It is now our duty to act selflessly and unified to bring about the greatest miracle of history – the Restoration of Assyria – the last of the three blessed nations in the Prophecy. |
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Sargis Aghajan: A Saint or a Wolf in Sheep's Clothing? Fred Aprim With the events unfolding rapidly in northern Iraq (historic Assyria), www.ankawa.com began a series of interviews with Assyrian officials or heads of political groups who are members in the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and/or its parliament. They were all asked the same selected questions dealing with the name issue, the fate of the Assyrian Nineveh Plains region, and the Kurdish constitution. The Interviews On September 28, 2006, ankawa.com interviewed Mr. Sargis Aghajan, a member of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Minister of Finance in the KRG. Responding to one question, Aghajan stated that the constitution of KRG does not guarantee "our people" (referring to all Syriac-speaking Christians) to govern themselves in their historic lands in the Nineveh Plain. He promised to rectify that. He stated that the constitution divides our people into two groups: "Assyrian and Chaldean" and that was unacceptable. He added that he was with and for the compound name "Chaldean Suryani Assyrian" that guarantees the unity of our people. On September 30, 2006, Aghajan returned and stated to Ishtar TV that our people's rights will be noted within a month in the upcoming amended KRG Constitution. On October 3, 2006, came an interview with Romeo Hakkari, General Secretary of Bet-Nahrain Democratic Party (BNDP) in Iraq, and a member of Kurdish parliament. Hakkari basically reiterated the answers given by Aghajan. He stated that nothing is forever and that the KRG draft constitution could be changed to our benefit in the future. He recommended joining the Nineveh Plain to KRG. Then on October 7, 2006, was the interview with Jamal Chamoun, President of the Chaldean Cultural Center and a member of the Kurdish parliament. He said that we needed to add symbols in the Kurdistan flag, emblem, and anthem to emphasize on the Kurdistani identity of the entire nation living in Kurdistan region. Chamoun then expressed his support for the Nineveh Plains being part of Kurdistan and stated that our experiences, to be fair, with the Kurdish region in the last 15 years had been noticeably peaceful and comforting. Next came the interview with Yasho' Majeed Hadaya, head of the Independent Suryan Gathering Movement. Reading the interview, we realize the lack of political savvy or maturity in his statements. Mr. Hadaya stated that the draft of the KRG constitution must guarantee all rights of the "Chaldean Suryani Assyrian" people, including their self-governing rights on their historic lands in the Nineveh Plain. Then he said that the KRG law (constitution) would regulate the establishment of such regions or self-governing regions within the unified region of the KRG. What followed was the interview with the public relations person in charge of the Bet Nahrain Patriotic Union in Nineveh. His statements were not any different than the rest. It is interesting to observe that all those interviewed so far by ankawa.com have stated almost the same thing. I invite you to read the future interviews with the rest of those who are counted on the Assyrians and are members of the Kurdish parliament or with those influenced by the KDP. They will repeat the same exact statements, that the Kurdish constitution comes short from being fair to our people. They will say that the constitution must use the title "Assyrian Chaldean Suryan" and that it must remove the "and" used at this time that separates our people. They all will "recommend" that Nineveh Plain be joined to the Kurdish region because that is to our benefit. Should we be surprised? No, because they will state what may sound contrary to the statements made by the Kurds, otherwise they will not be taken seriously. What They Cannot Say? Mr. Hadaya and others must understand that the Nineveh Plain towns and villages in question are part of the Qadhas (districts) of Hamdaniya and Telkaif. These two districts and others, wherein our people are concentrated, do not fall in, do not belong to, and are not part of the Kurdish region of the three governorates of Sulaimaniya, Arbil, and Dohuk. The two above districts for example belong rather to the Nineveh Governorate. His answers imply that the Kurdish region has already been expanded to include Hamdaniya and Telkaif, among others, and that the Iraqi constitution has approved that move. They insinuate as well that the local people in the two districts and others have approved of such expansion as well when that is not the case. As of today, the KRG constitution CANNOT decide the fate of a region that does not belong within its boundaries. Political leaders must understand the ramifications of what they are saying; otherwise they raise many questions about their intentions. This I say, understanding the additional fact that most of these Assyrian notables, officials, self-appointed or imposed leaders were not elected by the people; therefore, they have no right to decide the future of the people. This must be emphasized since there were two national elections in Iraq and the winner was the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM), but it has been marginalized by the empowered Kurds. Why Aghajan? Learning from History There is a reason why many Assyrians say that Sargis Aghajan is for Kurds just as Tariq Aziz was for Saddam's Ba'ath regime. His role plays well as that of malik Khoshaba and his son Yousif Khoshaba who were for the Iraqi governments from 1930s to 2000. Individuals like Aghajan, Aziz and the Khoshaba's (father and son) before them were nothing but puppets used for a purpose. They had never accomplished anything in the past and will accomplish nothing for the Assyrians as a nation in the future. Aghajan will help establish the elusive Kurdistan, because he is a Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) official. He works for a party that has the goal of establishing Kurdistan over Assyria. Aghajan CANNOT show split loyalties with a serious issue such as Assyria vs. Kurdistan, because there lies a conflict of interest. Aghajan must abide by the national dreams of the KDP and the Kurds. He is for Kurdistan and for all of us to become Kurdistanis on the historic land of Assyria, the land of our ancestors. That is the long-term goal of the KDP. In the meanwhile, Aghajan's declarations, and those of the others mean nothing; they create temporary excitement for some simple-minded people. Aghajan, just as the late Franso Hariri, another member of the KDP and former Governor of Arbil could do nothing for the Assyrians as an ethnic group without the approval of the KDP. Therefore, whatever it is that Aghajan is doing is studied and approved by the KDP and falls within the religious work frame only and we will come to that later. Furthermore, Aghajan must stop presenting himself as the savior of Assyrians by insinuating that the money he is giving away is his money. He might not be saying that, but the actions of those around him and the medals given to him try to mislead the people. We know that this money is part of Iraq's Reconstruction fund from the Iraqi oil proceeds channeled through the KDP and KRG. If these monies were Aghajan's own personal money, I would have said God bless you, but it is not his personal money. So what is the big deal then? Is Aghajan really looking after the interest of the Assyrians as an ethnic group in Iraq? Where was Aghajan since 1992 when the first drafts of the Kurdish regional constitution where being circulating? Why didn't he say anything in public ever since? When the ADM was declaring that we are one people, why was Aghajan silent and why was his KDP Kurdish party undermining that statement? Why did the KDP create the phony Kurdish-backed Kurdistan Christian List to run against the ADM in the regional elections of 1992 in northern Iraq? Why was he silent when Abd al-Ahad Afram was establishing the new phenomenon of Chaldeanism in northern Iraq with the support of the KDP to divide the Assyrian people? Could we then assert that Aghajan is working for the Assyrian case? Absolutely not. History will prove otherwise. We will not be fooled by his worthless declarations and the money Aghajan is giving away will not fool the true Assyrians. Let Ishtar TV continue its propaganda agenda for Aghajan and his followers, directly or indirectly. But let Aghajan understand that Assyrians will not be Kurdistanis in Kurdistan. We will remain Assyrians and northern Iraq will always remain Assyria in our hearts and souls and he can never take that away. Let Aghajan understand that the money he is distributing to buy people's minds and support will not work at the end. This is our money; the Assyrians' share from the oil sale proceeds of Iraq and Aghajan is not doing anybody any favors. He is nothing but a middleman. The Kurdish Plans and Honoring Aghajan The fact is that the Kurds and Barazani have an eye on the Nineveh Plains and everyone who works for the KDP (including our people in the Kurdish parliament and cabinet, i.e. Aghajan, Fawzi Hariri, Romeo Hakkari, Jamal Chamoun, Nimrod Baito, George Mansour, etc.) are directly or indirectly conspiring to make that a reality. But the question is why the Kurds are doing this now? Is the United States pushing the Kurds to go ahead with this plan? Is joining the Nineveh Plains to Kurdish region and giving it some sort of self-administrative rights that bad of an idea? It is if the plan is to have that scheme molded into a religious context, i.e., Christian region. We are Christian people, but we were Assyrians first and our national rights must not be undermined at the expense of our religious rights. To sell Sargis Aghajan to the Assyrians and the world, the KDP needed a creative plan. Aghajan was, in a clever way, appointed by the KDP to be in charge of the reconstruction, i.e., building many churches, halls, and a few homes for the Christians in northern Iraq (Assyria), erroneously called Kurdistan. Then they used Kurdish controlled media to boost his image. First they used the KDP supported Ishtar TV to glorify Aghajan. Aghajan does not do that personally, but his aids direct these media outlets. This way he appears a humble man. Then, certain Assyrian singers, including Johnny Talia in his new tape "Matwate d' Atri", sing praises for Aghajan. I understand that a few others are scheduled to be shown on Ishtar TV singing for Aghajan in the future. I want to remind Zinda readers how Saddam Hussein used to pay singers to glorify his name in similar manner. Then the attention of the planners move to the religious leaders who showered Aghajan with medals and praises. On August 29, 2006 Pope Benedict XVI honored Mr. Aghajan by naming him a Knight Commander of the Order of Saint Gregory the Great. Mar Emanuel Delly, Patriarch of the Chaldean Catholic Church awarded the medal to Aghajan on behalf of the Pope. Mar Ignatius Zakka I Iwas, Patriarch of Antioch and all the East, decorated Aghajan on October 2, 2006 with the medal of St. Ignatius Theophoros of the Degree of Commander, the highest medal of honor bestowed by the Syrian Orthodox Church. The Bishop of Mosul rewarded the medal on October 6, 2006 on behalf of his patriarch. During his visit to northern Iraq, Mar Dinkha IV, Patriarch of the Assyrian Church of the East, continuously praised Aghajan in his speeches, including his speech on October 3, 2006 while visiting the Nahla region. On October 17, 2006, Mar Dinkha awarded Aghajan two medals. The first is a new medal, which the Church of the East created especially for Aghajan. It is in the degree of "The Successful Engineer" that is the first ever presented by this Church to any of its members. The second, the "Patriarchate Medal", was awarded to Aghajan due to his strong belief and love for his church, as stated by the patriarch. The award ceremony took place in Arbil and was attended by many bishops and priests. In his letter, the patriarch praised Aghajan, wished him well and blessed him. More Questionable Moves by the KDP The KDP future plans involve not only promoting a puppet leader, but also crushing any opposition. According to Majed Eshoo, the KDP is involved in building an Assyrian army in northern Iraq by using few Assyrians loyal to Barazani. According to reports by Amnesty International, other KDP associates and/or supporters, including Praidon Darmo and Fawzi Hariri have been involved in certain arms dealings. Two important points here regarding this army: 1. Under whose command would this army be? What would it be used for? It seems to me that the KDP is planning to finish any resistance against its policies in northern Iraq. The only voices left in northern Iraq will be those voices that remain pro-KDP and Barazani. The Internet has made it easy to report immediately any wrongdoing against the Assyrians. On October 13, 2006, a group from the Kurdish militia belonging to the KDP attacked the Nineveh headquarters of the ADM's TV station, Ashur TV. Uproar against Barazani and the KDP ensued from Assyrians around the world. Imagine if an Assyrian militia or army made this attack. Could Assyrians around the world protest in such case in the future when one Assyrian faction attacks others? 2. We know well that there is a conflict between the various Kurdish factions in northern Iraq. How would the other Kurdish militias treat the Assyrians if this Assyrian army were used by or was under the KDP? Is it a sound policy to be seen as allies to one particular Kurdish faction? The fact is that there were two national elections in Iraq in 2005. All groups had their own slates that participated in the elections. Our people did NOT vote for Aghajan, Hakkari, Afram, Hariri, Baito, Mansour, Hadaya, etc. to speak on their behalf; they voted for the Assyrian Democratic Movement. Why not allow the ADM be in charge of the money Aghajan is using or have an independent third party planning after consulting with the various Christian groups? What Our people Need Building a few churches and halls in villages selected by Barazani and the KDP will not protect Assyrian Christians' rights in northern Iraq. Building Churches in isolated villages where our population is insignificant do not mean much. Halls do not save an ethnic group from extinction. Furthermore, Assyrians will not be protected and will not survive in northern Iraq by empty words on paper or by dishonored constitutions as many previous constitutions have proved. Of course there are good Kurdish intellectuals who have a better vision for northern Iraq; however, the clan of Barazani controls the political decision in northern Iraq's Arbil Kurdish government and it refuses to apply true democracy in the region. What the Assyrians expect must include, among other things, the followings:
Conclusion First, Barazani and the KDP, as a Kurdish national party, are struggling to establish a Kurdish homeland in northern Iraq (historic Assyria). It would be impossible for any non-Kurdish person, including Sargis Aghajan, to justify how he could work for the KDP and abide by the KDP's By-Laws and goals on one hand and work to benefit the national and ethnic rights of the Assyrians on the other. The Kurds have continued to usurp historic Assyrian lands in northern Iraq since 1920; thus there is a legitimate question raised by Assyrians over the claims of Kurds on Assyrian lands. Aghajan could not struggle for the rights of the Kurds in one specific instance and then turn around and fight for the rights of the Assyrians. This is just impossible since there is a principle and major dispute over land between Assyrians and Kurds. Secondly, the Kurds have gained much support from the USA and Europe in the past 15 years. They understand the dilemma many good Muslims are facing since 9/11, the attacks in London and Madrid. Lets face it: these attacks were made in the name of Islam and Kurdish political groups want to distance themselves from anything that links them to Islam. Therefore, it is not unusual to present themselves as the saviors of the Christians in Iraq. It is not unusual to build churches and halls. However, we understand as well what the Kurdish by-laws clearly state their vision for a future Kurdish region, i.e., a Kurdistan for all Kurdistanis, whether Muslims, Christians, Shabaks, Yezidis, etc. These religious sects are all Kurds as far as Kurds are concerned. Many Kurdish nationalists view Assyrians as Christian Kurds. Building churches and halls means something; however, being Christians alone will not save the Assyrian people as an national entity. We must stop being naïve and we must stop parading someone before we understand why certain things happen in the first place. Until that day comes where Kurds respect the will of the Assyrians and show serious will and take serious measures towards granting the Assyrians their full rights in a democratic, pluralistic and secular system under the rule of a non-biased law, I personally will find it almost impossible to trust the Kurdish politicians. This I say because we must learn from our history. These are the same Kurds who murdered our Patriarch Mar Benyamin Shimun in 1918 and then turned years later to honor the warlord Simko who assassinated the patriarch cowardly. These are the same Kurds who have continued to push Assyrians out of their historic lands and bring Kurds from other regions and settle them on those Assyrian lands. These are the same Kurds whose leader, general Bakir Sidqi, led the Iraqi army to massacre Assyrians in Semele in 1933 and he armed other Kurdish tribes to exterminate the Assyrians. These are the same Kurds that corrupt history. These are the same Kurds that interfered in the internal affairs of the Assyrians and divided the Assyrian people and installed puppet leaders and ministers to satisfy the curiosity of the West. These are the same Kurds that abduct Assyrian girls, rape, and then kill them and none is brought to justice even when the perpetrators are identified. These are the same Kurds who have assassinated any Assyrian who dared to demand for our rights, including Francis Shabo in 1993. We must heed history's lessons. Selected Sources (links to other web sources)
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Iraq’s Christians Flee as Extremist Threat Worsens Courtesy of the New York Times Muslim fury over Pope Benedict XVI’s public reflections on Islam in Germany a month ago — when he quoted a 14th-century Byzantine emperor as calling Islam “evil and inhuman” — has subsided elsewhere, but repercussions continue to reverberate in Iraq, bringing a new level of threat to an already shrinking Christian population. Several extremist groups threatened to kill all Christians unless the pope apologized. Sunni and Shiite clerics united in the condemnation, calling the comments an insult to Islam and the Prophet Muhammad. In Baghdad, many churches canceled services after receiving threats. Some have not met since. “After the pope’s statement, people began to fear much more than before,” said the Rev. Zayya Edward Khoshaba, the pastor of the Church of the Virgin Mary. “The actions by fanatics have increased against Christians.” Christianity took root here near the dawn of the faith 2,000 years ago, making Iraq home to one of the world’s oldest Christian communities. The country is rich in biblical significance: scholars believe the Garden of Eden described in Genesis was in Iraq; Abraham came from Ur of the Chaldees, a city in Iraq; the city of Nineveh that the prophet Jonah visited after being spit out by a giant fish was in Iraq. Both Chaldean Catholics and Assyrian Christians, the country’s largest Christian sects, still pray in Aramaic, the language of Jesus. They have long been a tiny minority amid a sea of Islamic faith. But under Saddam Hussein, Iraq’s million or so Christians for the most part coexisted peacefully with Muslims, both the dominant Sunnis and the majority Shiites. But since Mr. Hussein’s ouster, their status here has become increasingly uncertain, first because many Muslim Iraqis framed the American-led invasion as a modern crusade against Islam, and second because Christians traditionally run the country’s liquor stories, anathema to many religious Muslims. Over the past three and a half years, Christians have been subjected to a steady stream of church bombings, assassinations, kidnappings and threatening letters slipped under their doors. Estimates of the resulting Christian exodus vary from the tens of thousands to more than 100,000, with most heading for Syria, Jordan and Turkey.
The number of Christians who remain is also uncertain. The last Iraqi census, in 1987, counted 1.4 million Christians, but many left during the 1990’s when sanctions squeezed the country. Yonadam Kanna, the lone Christian member of the Iraqi Parliament, estimated the current Christian population at roughly 800,000, or about 3 percent of the population. A Chaldean Catholic auxiliary bishop, Andreos Abouna, told a British charity over the summer that there were just 600,000 Christians left, according to the Catholic News Service. At the Church of the Virgin Mary, Father Khoshaba showed a visitor the baptism forms for parishioners leaving the country who need proof of their religious affiliation for visas. Some weeks he has filled out 50 of the forms, he said, and some weeks more. Attendance on Sundays has dwindled to four dozen or so, he said; it used to be more than 500 on average, and on Easter Sundays, before the collapse of the Hussein government, more than 1,500. Not all the missing members have left, of course; some simply stay at home on Sundays because of fears for their safety. Many Christians have relocated, changing neighborhoods or even cities. About a thousand Christian families, from Mosul, Baghdad, Basra and elsewhere, have taken refuge in Ain Kawa, a small town outside the Kurdish city of Erbil, which has become an oasis for Christians, said the Rev. Yusuf Sabri, a priest at St. Joseph’s Chaldean Catholic Church there. A Christian man with Baghdad license plates on his car who asked not to be identified said he had just arrived in Ain Kawa to inquire about moving there. A leaflet had been left at his home demanding he leave in three days. It bore the signature of Muhammad’s Army, a Sunni insurgent group. “They regarded me as an agent for the crusaders,” he said. Asaad Aziz, a 42-year-old Chaldean Catholic, is one of those trying to leave the country. After the ouster of Mr. Hussein, he bought a liquor store in a mostly Shiite neighborhood. Nine days after he opened, the store was bombed. Mr. Aziz was hospitalized for a month. The employees rebuilt the store. But several months later, a note slipped under the door gave Mr. Aziz 48 hours to close. “Otherwise, you will blame yourself,” it said. Mr. Aziz closed. But after an unsuccessful stint at a friend’s printing company, he returned to the business he knew best, opening a liquor store in a mostly Christian neighborhood. Last month, a gunman riddled the new storefront with bullets as Mr. Aziz cowered in a back room. He told another story: the teenage daughter of another Christian family he knows was kidnapped recently. The captors initially demanded a ransom, but later sarcastically said the pope was the only one who could release her. She was eventually killed. “When the pope gave his statement, it destroyed any last hope that we had here,” said Mr. Aziz, who has forbidden his daughters, one in high school and the other in college, to return to school. He recently went to the Turkish Embassy to inquire about a visa but was rebuffed. At this point, he said, he will go anywhere. “We cannot practice our rituals and we cannot bring food home to our families,” he said. “That’s why I want to leave the country.” Mosul, near the historic heart of Christianity in Iraq, has also become increasingly dangerous. The recently murdered priest, the Rev. Boulos Iskander Behnam, is just the latest member of the Christian community to be kidnapped or killed there. Conditions have been especially bleak for Christians in Basra, the southern city that is dominated by radical Shiite militias. Christian women there often wear Muslim head scarves to avoid harassment from religious zealots trying to impose a strict Islamic dress code. After the pope’s statement, an angry crowd burned an effigy of him. In Baghdad, Juliet Yusef attends St. George’s, the country’s lone Anglican church. She, too, now wears a head scarf anytime she ventures outside her neighborhood. “I am afraid of being attacked,” she said. Dora, a neighborhood in southern Baghdad that was once heavily populated by Christians and has been plagued by sectarian violence, has now been mostly emptied of them. Christians were singled out there by insurgents who accused them of being friendly with the occupying Americans. “They are Christian, we are Christian,” said one holdout, who asked to be identified only by her first name, Suzan. “They think most likely we know each other well.” Two priests were kidnapped over the summer in Dora, although both were released, one after nearly a month. Oddly, before the pope’s comments, as sectarian violence has escalated in Baghdad in the past year, some said the situation might have actually improved for Christians as Muslim militants turned their attention on one another. Canon Andrew White, the Anglican vicar of Baghdad, who lives in Britain but visits Iraq frequently, said his driver was kidnapped recently but was promptly released after his Sunni Arab captors discovered he was a Christian. He said his captors apologized by saying, “We thought he was Shiite.” “It must be the only occasion when being a Christian actually helped in this country,” he said. Wisam H. Habeeb and Khalid al-Ansary contributed reporting from Baghdad, and an Iraqi employee of The New York Times from Mosul.Iraq: Christian Minority Seeks Haven From Violence Courtesy of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty
In Mosul, Father Boulos Iskander Behnam was kidnapped by men seeking retribution for Pope Benedict's comments about Islam. His severed head and limbs were found piled atop his body. In Baghdad, the Church of the Virgin Mary in Baghdad was just the most recent Christian church to be hit by a bomb blast. An estimated 30 have been attacked in the past three years. In the southern city of Al-Basrah, where crowds burned an effigy of the pope last month, Christian women routinely don veils to avoid public attack. From Mosul to Al-Basrah, segments of the Sunni and Shi'ite communities are seemingly becoming united in their hatred of Christians, who have been in Iraq for nearly 2,000 years. They are considered one of the original Iraqi peoples. Biblical references to sites in Iraq are numerous. When Saddam Hussein was still in power, the country's estimated 1.2 million Christians lived peacefully side by side with Sunnis and Shi'ites, but after Hussein was arrested, they became a target of violence. In some quarters, they are associated with the majority Christian armies of the United States and Britain, who many Muslims believe are waging a modern-day crusade against Islam. A particularly vulnerable group are Christians owners of liquor stores, which Muslims disdain and frequently firebomb. "Today we are specifically targeted," says Pascale Warda, an Assyrian Christian and former minister in the Iraqi transitional government. "Why we are targeted, we don't know. All Iraqis are targeted, yes, but today, Christian Assyrian, [one of the] original peoples of Mesopotamia, of Iraq, ... are, like [other] minorities, in a very sensitive situation." Autonomy As A Protection Pascale Warda speaking in Washington, D.C. (RFE/RL)Warda was in Washington this week to raise her voice about what she described as "a real dark phase" for Iraq's Christians, and to try and convince members of President George W. Bush's administration to support the idea of an autonomous province in Iraq where religious minorities could live without fear. She is the public face for what is now a three-year-old campaign in Iraq to develop a neglected area located to the north and west of Mosul, called Ninawah Plain, for such a settlement. A self-governing province, she believes, the only way to stop the violence and the flow of Christian refugees out of Iraq. Citing the UN, she said that "36 percent of refugees are Christian. Why? We are targeted in our church, in our schools, [for] our personal [habits]: 13 Christian women two weeks ago were kidnapped and killed. Why? Because they didn't wear the traditional Islamic veils." And life for refugees is, she said, very tough. "No country wants to help them, no one likes to really recognize what they're living through every day," she said, describing the situation of Iraqi Christian refugees that she met in neighboring Iraq as "very bad." "13 Christian women two weeks ago were kidnapped and killed. Why? Because they didn't wear the traditional Islamic veils."Now the director of Iraqi Women's Center for Development in Baghdad, Warda insists that the proposal is not for a "Christian empire" separate from Iraq. Christians, and all Iraqis, she said, want to participate in the democratic development of the country but cannot do so if they are being forced to flee for their lives. An estimated 200-300,000 Iraqi Christians have fled to surrounding countries since the war began. Only one Christian currently serves in the 275-member Iraqi National Assembly. Stopping the Christian exodus is in the best interests of both Iraq and the United States, Warda argues, because their presence ensures that Iraq remains a diverse country that embraces the democratic ideals of tolerance and multiculturalism. The Christian voice, she said, is a voice for democratization. Time For 'Kindertransport'?
Michael Youash, of the Iraq Sustainable Democracy Project -- the group that brought Warda to Washington -- said the delegation has met with staff members of the National Security Council, State Department, and Vice President Dick Cheney's office. He said the response had been polite and at times warm, but not enthusiastic. Father Keith Roderick, the Washington representative of the religious-rights group Christian Solidarity International and the secretary-general of the Coalition for the Defense of Human Rights, appeared at the press conference with Warda to "stand in solidarity" with the persecuted Christians of Iraq. No one in the Sunni, Shi'ite, or Kurdish communities has called "to end the violence against others: against the Assyrians, Chaldeans, Mandeans, Turkmen, Yezidis, and Shabak. Their blood is flowing freely in Iraq.""It's striking that during the month of Ramadan, which has been such a violent month for religious and ethnic minorities in Iraq, that there hasn't been any form of protest aimed at the defense of these minorities," he said. Roderick criticized the Organization of Islamic Countries for not reacting when Father Iskander was beheaded in Mosul, and decried the fact that no Muslim leader in Iraq has protested. "The problem," he said, "is that no one has raised that call within the Sunni or Shi'ite communities, or the Kurdish community, to end the violence against others: against the Assyrians, Chaldeans, Mandeans, Turkmen, Yezidis, and Shabak. Their blood is flowing freely in Iraq." He also endorsed the idea of an autonomous province. While he emphasized that this would not stop the violence in large cities such as Mosul, Baghdad, and Al-Basrah, "it would provide a place where people can go for sanctuary if they need to," adding that "it is not a safe haven but it is an autonomous administrative unit, by which the affairs of the persecuted minorities are governed by themselves, and they have an opportunity to participate in the federalist system which is developing in Iraq." Roderick noted that although the U.S. Iraq Study Group -- headed by former Secretary of State James Baker -- is currently considering a proposal to divide Iraq along ethnic lines, the Assyrians are asking for something that is already in the Iraqi constitution: a provision already exists enabling the creation of independent governorates. "The law exists in theory but in implementation it's another matter," he continued, "and implementation will not happen unless there is a policy of the United States, or of Congress, to make a resolution to recognize the existence of this Assyrian governorate for these minorities." He added that the crisis in Iraq reflects a larger pattern in the Middle East. In 1900, Christians comprised just over 20 percent of the region's population. In 2000 that figure was just below two percent. Roderick said some of Iraq's smaller Christian groups are considering undertaking a project like the World War II "kindertransport" that took Jewish children from Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Austria to Britain to escape the coming genocide. He said that is increasingly becoming an attractive idea, especially if the notion of a province on Ninawah Plain does not succeed. Saving the children of these minorities for the future is essential, he said, "otherwise they will not exist." Iraqi Assyrian Christians Requesting Province
Hope for Assyrian Christians 'Rapidly Dying,' Says Former Iraqi Minister Courtesy of the Christian Post (ZNDA: Washington) “In today’s Iraq, all we have is hope,” said former Iraqi minister and Assyrian Christian Pascale Warda in a press conference on Wednesday. “For the Assyrian Christians, this hope is rapidly dying. The targeting of our people is something the world cannot ignore and the governments of the world cannot deny.” Warda pointed to the recent beheading of a Syrian Orthodox priest, the abduction and murder of 13 Christian Assyrian women just over a week ago as examples of violence targeted against Christian that is forcing many Iraqi believers from the country. “The consequence of this situation is clear,” said Warda. “The Christian Assyrian population, in all its denominations, is fleeing the country.” Michael Youash, project director of the Iraq Sustainable Democracy Project, a Washington-based think tank focused on the plight of Iraq’s most vulnerable minorities, is a supporter of the idea of a province for minorities. He believes the province will help maintain minority voices in Iraq that will be able to provide a voice of compromise in debates about federalism, the constitution and other contentious issues. Youash noted that the liberation of Iraq did not intend to drive out the Assyrian Christian population, but unfortunately this has occurring. She cited that the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees is reporting that 36 percent of refugees are Christians. “If this continues, Iraq will more and more look like other Middle Eastern countries which lost their Assyrian population decades ago,” Warda concluded. “Iraq needs it minorities for democracy. Warda said she is part of a group of Iraqi trying to create an “administrative unit” for minorities in the Nineveh Plain and specific minority lands in the western part of Dohuk governate. Discussion on the province is still underway but supporters believe it possibly might be the only solution to retaining Iraq’s Assyrian population. The Rev. Dr. Keith Roderick, the Washington representative of Christian Solidarity International, cited from his recent article about the month of Ramadan and persecution against non-Muslims in Iraq. “Hope in Iraq’s future cannot be found in the destruction of minority faith and ethnic communities,” concluded Roderick in his article. “It must be discovered in the actions of those right-hearted and –minded persons who have courageously dedicated themselves to the creation of a truly pluralistic multi-ethnic/religious society in Iraq.”
Christians in Iraq Live in Fear Courtesy of ADN Kronos International (ZNDA: Rome) Lionan Daved, a self assured financial consultant for the past 28 years, says she is used to mumbling her name these days so people won't understand she is Christian. She is also used to hiding the cross pendant she always wears on her neck and to wearing a head scarf on her frequent trips from her hometown Kirkuk to Baghdad where she works as a financial advisor to coalition forces in Iraq. "We don't even go to Church to pray anymore because it is too dangerous," she told Adnkronos International (AKI) in a recent interview in Rome. Daved is in Italy with a group of Iraqi women to attend a two-week training course on federalism promoted by the Italian foreign ministry's Task Force Iraq and coordinated by Adnkronos Comunicazione. Three years after the US ousted Saddam Hussein from power, reports say as many as half the Christians in the country could have fled, driven out by church bombings, murders and death threats targeting their community. Muslim anger over Pope Benedict XVI's speech in Germany a month ago in which he linked Islam to violence led to a further escalation of attacks targeting Christians. Many churches cancelled services throughout Iraq as extremist groups threatened to kill all Christians unless the pope apologised. Although the pontiff expressed regret that his speech on 12 September at Germany's Regensburg university was "misunderstood", the damages appear significant in Iraq today. "In our community we decided to hang banners saying 'we are not responsible for what he (the pontiff) said' so we wouldn't be targeted," said Daved. "All Christians had to do that in Iraq, we apologised for what he said." She added that during Sunday services, the priest in her church would "advise us to be patient with Muslims, not to talk about the (pope's) speech nor fight because we were asked all the time by people why he said that." The number of Christians who have not fled is uncertain. The last Iraqi census in 1987 counted 1.4 million Christians. Many started leaving the country in the 1990s when sanctions were imposed on the country. Today many more have left. Yonadam Kanna, the only Christian member of the Iraqi Parliament, was quoted as saying by the New York Times this week that Christians in Iraq are around 800,000, approximately 3 percent of the population. Catholic News Service quoted a Chaldean Catholic auxiliary bishop, Andreas Abouna, as saying this earlier this year that only 600,000 had remained. "It is very difficult and in Baghdad and the south the situation is terrible," said Daved. "More Christians left because after what the pope said the situation got worse. When they had to pray they risked an attack. They even killed our priests. Many Christians have left for Syria, Jordan and Turkey but, still, it's difficult to migrate and many want to stay." Church attendance has dropped in Iraq and at least 60 percent of Baghdad's churches have closed after receiving threats from fundamentalists since the pontiff's speech, the UN's IRIN news service reports. In the northern city of Mosul, a priest from the Syriac Orthodox Church was kidnapped last week. His community complied with the abductors' request and publicly apologised for the pope's remarks on Islam - to no avail. The beheaded body of Boulos Iskander Behnam was found on Wednesday - the latest member of the community to be killed there. "The pressure is really strong on Christians right now and the situation is hard to bear," Najla Hanna Rawoof, an attorney who lives in Mosul, told AKI. "I am forced to wear the veil all the time and not to make others notice I am Christian. This is why many Christians leave Iraq or move to places where there are more Christians, like Kurdistan." Hanna Wisal, a teacher in Mosul, who is also attending the federalism training course in Italy, said "Christians have moved to the Christian areas of Kurdistan." Many have taken refuge in the town of Aain Kawa, near Erbil, in the Kurdish north, which is believed to be the main centre for internally displaced Christians. Though no official data is available on the number of refugees in the area, religious leaders say thousands have moved there. In Baghdad, the Dora and Karrada neighbourhoods once heavily populated with Christians, are now reportedly empty. Yet, though the south is more dangerous for Christians - said Daved, Rawoof and Wisal - Mosul and Kirkuk in the north are also witnessing a rise in threats and killings. Wisal told AKI she has never experienced problems as she lives in a Christian area of Mosul. But her sister, who attends Mosul university lives a difficult situation, she says. In Mosul, where both Baathists and Islamist groups reportedly control entire neighbourhoods, a Christian woman from Mosul university was recently abducted and then beheaded. The kidnappers said that "if anyone comes to college without hijab [headscarf], they risk their lives," she said. Iraqi Christians Live in Fear of Death Squads Courtesy of the IRIN News (ZNDA: Baghdad) Julie Carlo, 36, has tried to leave Iraq for Jordan several times to be with her parents, but hasn't been allowed in by the Jordanian authorities. The reason for her desperation to leave is her religion. She is Christian and has been threatened by Islamic militants. "Recently, life for Christians in Iraq has turned into a horror movie," Carlo said. "I will leave everything here [and] even if I do not have anything to eat there [Jordan], it is better to die from hunger than be beheaded." Carlo is one of thousands of people from the minority group who are receiving death threats and are living in fear. Threats have increased since Pope Benedict XVI, head of the Catholic Church, made a speech on 12 September that included what were perceived to be disparaging comments about Islam. This caused fury among segments of the Muslim community worldwide.
The repercussions of the Pope's speech continue to reverberate in Iraq, bringing a new level of threat to an already shrinking Christian population. Although the Pope apologised soon after for the comments he made, the damage is seemingly irreparable in Iraq. "There were cases of Christians being killed but it was part of the ongoing violence in our country and not a direct threat against our community," Carlo said. "We have been clearly advised through letters and intimidating leaflets that all Christians should leave Iraq because the punishment is going to be worse in coming days." Several Islamic groups had threatened to kill Christians unless the Pope apologised. "Their leader [the Pope] has verbally abused and offended our religion and the Prophet. Unfortunately, he did not analyse the consequences of his speech. Our country is an Islamic land and they [Christians] will have to rely on the Pope's charity from now on," said Abu Jaffar, an Islamic extremist from Muhammad's Army, a Sunni insurgent group. Carlo and her family have lost three of their relatives over the past two weeks and she received a threat on Monday. "They [the extremists] do not care about who we are or what age we are, they are furious and want us out. The Pope should have thought better before offending one of the biggest religions in the world," Carlo said. Christian community shrinking The last Iraqi census, in 1987, counted 1.4 million Christians, but many left during the 1990s when economic sanctions were imposed on the country. According to the local Christians Peace Association (CPA), about 700,000 Christians remain in Iraq, making up about 3 percent of the population. Church attendance has decreased considerably in Iraq and at least 60 percent of Baghdad's churches have closed after receiving threats from extremists since the Pope's speech. "Less than 20 percent of the devout [Christian community] who were attending prayers are continuing to come to the church. Thousands have left in the past weeks to other countries and we are sure that soon this church is going to be forced to close too," said Reverend Zayya Edward, the pastor of the Church of the Virgin Mary in Baghdad. Many Christians have taken refuge in the town of A'ain Kawa, a few kilometres from the city of Arbil in the Kurdish north, which has become the main centre for internally displaced Christians. There are no official numbers of how many are taking refugee in the area, but religious leaders say the number is in the thousands. In the capital, the Dora and Karrada districts used to be home to the Christian community but are now empty. Christians in Mosul and Kirkuk, in the north, have also witnessed dozens of killings and threats. Beheaded and dismembered On Wednesday, the beheaded and dismembered body of a priest from the Syriac Orthodox Church of the Virgin Mary was found in the northern city of Mosul. Father Boulos Iskander, 59, was kidnapped several weeks ago and his family was in constant contact with the abductors who demanded a ransom payment as well as the publication of a rejection of the Pope's comments on Islam. His death has increased fear within the Christian community, who are calling for international assistance to help them leave the country. "We urge the international Christian community to help us to leave Iraq before we have the same fate that Father Boulos had," said Lucas Barini, a spokesman for CPA. Iraq's Ministry of Human Rights has called on all religious groups to put aside differences and help the local Christian community. "The main reason for such targeting is merely religious and in this case religious leaders should intervene to prevent more violence and forget their beliefs and remember that everyone is a human being," said Hummam Dairi, public officer in the Ministry of Human Rights. "Our ministry has asked for international support and we hope that we soon can bring more stability and safety to this community," Dairi added. In the meantime, Christians who can not leave Iraq make do the best they can. Christian parents have stopped their children from attending schools and universities after many fellow students made verbal threats against Christian students. Christian women have started to wear 'Abayas' (the traditional full-length cloak that Muslim women wear) and head scarves to prevent them from being distinguished from Muslim women. "We now are being forced to be Christians just in our heart because externally we should be like Muslims, even though we don't have anything to do with the sectarian violence" Carlo said. Living in Fear Courtesy of the Intelligencer/Philly Burbs (ZNDA: Philadelphia) Mary Josef lives in hiding. Worse, her son, just 8 years old, does too, and has for as long as he can remember. The 30-year-old Iraqi woman is an Assyrian Christian who fled Baghdad six years ago after her husband was imprisoned and her family threatened. They surrendered all their money and valuables to one of Saddam Hussein's soldiers to make it across the border into Jordan, a country they planned to stay in temporarily before heading to the United States to reunite with family. Six years later, Josef and her son still hide in a one-room apartment in Jordan, their lives in limbo. They wait for word from their family in Warminster that a door to a life in the United States will open and they will be able to pass through. Josef lives in fear that she will be discovered and sent back to Iraq, where her husband is feared dead and only more persecution of minority Christians await. Mary is not her real name; Josef's family worries that using her real name would jeopardize her safety. “We are only two people, me and my little boy,” said Josef, on a recent call from Jordan. “We have no family, no future here. I don't understand why it has to be so hard.” But living a threatened existence as an Iraqi Assyrian Christian in a Muslim world is not enough to grant her passage to the United States. Too many other Iraqi asylum-seekers like Josef wait. A United Nations survey reports that more than 200,000 Assyrian Christians — members of an ancient form of Christianity born in the Holy Land of the Mesopotamia — have fled Iraq since the beginning of the U.S.-led invasion in 2003, leaving only 20,000 remaining in the country, according to the U.S. State Department. Their exodus sped up in August 2004, after the start of the terrorist bombing campaign against Christian churches and a hike in kidnappings and assassinations. Hanna Josef, Mary's 74-year-old mother, made it to Warminster in 2004, expecting her daughter and grandson to follow shortly after. She took a job as a housekeeper, applied for U.S. citizenship and completed the paperwork to bring her daughter here. Then she learned Josef's visa could take eight more years to clear. Hanna Josef's sister and Mary's aunt, Deanna Tamraz, have been firing off letters each week to politicians, churches and nonprofits, appealing for help in bringing Josef and her son to safety. “I should have never left her,” said Hanna Josef. “Here I thought I could help; now, I feel helpless, and she's all alone with an 8-year-old boy trying to protect her.” Each day, the family gathers in the living room of their Warminster home to call Mary Josef and update her on their efforts. The pain in the room is hard to conceal. Hanna Josef, wailing in a mix of English and Arabic, can't hold a steady voice as she speaks of her grandson who kneels by a picture of Jesus each night and prays for his mother's protection. He doesn't go to school. He doesn't play outside. He doesn't know freedom, she said. “He should be playing, acting his age, and doing what little boys do, but instead he's sick with fear, afraid that someone will come take him or his mother away.” From her room in Jordan, Mary Josef says they have no life there, since local authorities won't allow her to work or her son to attend school. She survives on the money her mother and aunt send from Warminster. This pays for rent and groceries. They rarely venture outside for walks or entertainment for fear they will be discovered and sent back to Iraq, where she no longer has family or a home. Going back is as good as a death sentence, she said. Getting out once was hard enough, she said. Leaving home Mary grew up in an Assyrian Christian neighborhood north of Baghdad. Her mother worked for the railroad, and her father was an office clerk. Life was never easy for Assyrian Christians in Baghdad. Jobs were restricted. So was health care. When her father was diagnosed with diabetes, he could not get medication, and he eventually died. Education was limited, and people were shunned because of their beliefs. Still, life was tolerable, since it was home. They could put up with public jabs at their Western clothes and their Christian names. The family survived, Tamraz said, “by keeping to themselves and minding their own business.” In the late 1990s, anti-American sentiment intensified with newly imposed sanctions aimed at enforcing weapons inspections. The 1999 bombings that followed worsened already strained conditions for Assyrian Christians, viewed as “America-lovers” and “spies,” Tamraz said. “A few days later, the soldiers took him and put him in prison. We tried to get him out, but he told Mary to sell the house, take their son and leave the country,” said Tamraz, adding that Mary Josef's husband had to sign a document allowing them to leave Iraq. Mary Josef has not heard from him since. The family believes he is dead. Hanna Josef was with them when they crossed the border. She recalls having to bribe their way out of Iraq, giving up everything but the clothes they wore and their passports to gain entry into Jordan. In Jordan, they hoped, they could seek asylum through the U.S. Embassy and reunite with family in Warminster. Hanna Josef had already qualified for a U.S. visa, which she hoped would be enough to qualify her daughter and grandson. It wasn't. Hanna Josef was allowed into the United States, but her daughter and grandson would have to wait — a few months, she thought. But not years. No future in Jordan Conditions for Iraqi Christians in Jordan are poor. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees has documented the Assyrian Christians' plight in Jordan as among the worst in the country: Refugees can't work, get educated or receive any other public benefit. “Iraqi forced migrants have created inside Jordan a group of deprived, invisible migrants,” the 2002 reports states. “And the country is unwilling to target any international aid for Iraq refugees,” adding that, “they probably fear a relief program would improve the migrants' social condition, attracting other Iraqis.” Jordan, acting against the policy of the United Nations, “offers Iraqis no potential for long-term residency, forbids them to work and returns some back to Iraq, against their will.” This is what Hanna Josef fears will happen to her daughter. “If she returns, we'll never see her again,” said Hanna Josef, adding that Iraqi women need a male family member's permission to leave the country. “She has no one left in Iraq. She doesn't stand a chance.” Hope for a home Janet Hinshaw-Thomas, a Philadelphia-area advocate for Iraqi Christians, said Josef's situation is dire. However, U.S. immigration officials have put her on the list behind other asylum-seekers who are living in safe environments. “This means that under uniquely good circumstances she would "only' have to hide illegally in Jordan with her 8-year-old son for eight years, but it is much more likely that she would be stuck in Jordan for 12 years plus.” The Christian population is particularly vulnerable because they are viewed as being pro-West, she said. Thomas said they don't have the protection of any embassy or consulate and they don't have visas to exit the country and escape. Governments and U.N. organizations are hesitant about granting any refugee status because there is no country willing to accept them, Thomas said. “Then you have governments saying they would take them in if they had refugee status; it's a no-win situation,” she said. Congressman Mike Fitzpatrick and his staff are working to get Mary's immigration status changed, so she can qualify for a humanitarian visa, granted to asylum-seekers whose lives are in danger. “We will continue to try to convince the U.S. State Department that they should be entitled to that exception,” said Michael Conallen, Fitzpatrick's chief of staff. “The Congressman and our staff definitely appreciate the seriousness of this particular case, and we are working really diligently to try to assist them.” Meanwhile, Tamraz continues to mail handwritten letters, to politicians, newspapers and talk shows, hoping one will make difference. “But over here, no one has heard of them; no one knows of Assyrian Christians,” she said. “And they are suffering, even worse because of the war. For Assyrians, America is like a security blanket, a place they want to be. For my niece and her son, America is the only thing keeping them going.”
Church of the East Decorates Aghajan with 2 Medals,
(ZNDA: Arbil) His Holiness Mar Dinkha IV, patriarch of the Assyrian Church of the East became the third Assyrian patriarch to award Mr. Sargis Aghajan, Minister of Finance and Economy in the Kurdish Regional Government, with two medals. The patriarchs of the Syriac Orthodox Church and the Chaldean Catholic Church had already decorated Mr. Aghajan with the medals of the Order of St. Ignatius Theophroros and the Order of The first medal presented by His Holiness Mar Dinkha, called "the Medal of the Successful Engineer", was created especially for Mr. Aghajan, the first ever presented by the Church of the East. The second medal awarded to Mr. Aghajan is the "Patriarchate Medal", presented in recognition of Mr. Aghajan's "strong belief and love for his Church" according to a letter written by the Patriarch and released last week. The award ceremony took place in Arbil and was attended by several bishops and priests of the Church of the East. In his letter, the Patriarch praised Mr. Aghajan, wishes him well and blesses him for his accomplishments. Mr. Aghajan, a member of the Kurdistan Democratic Party headed by Masoud Barzani, was earlier this month appointed by Nechiran Barzani (KRG Prime Minister) as the Minister of Finance and Economy.
Ancient Ruins Inspire U.S. Forces in Iraq Courtesy of the News Tribune (ZNDA: Mosul) Remains of the giant columns, temples and fortifications of the 2,600-year-old city of Hatra tower over the Iraq desert. This was a major city along the Silk Road. Hatra sent caravans of traders throughout the Middle East with spices, woodwork and gems. It was a tolerant center of diverse religions that twice drove back Roman invaders. Now the 1st Battalion of the 37th Field Artillery Regiment from Fort Lewis does daily combat patrols in the area, and religious tolerance is hard to come by. A month ago, a suicide car bomber killed several people in the neighboring settlement of al-Hatra.
But the U.S. soldiers draw inspiration from the beautiful ruins, hoping someday they can be a world-renowned center of tourism. 'If this thing can last ..." "It's remarkable that it's still standing in a place of pretty much chaos," said Capt. Alex Aquino, 26, who lived in Tacoma before the Stryker brigade deployed in July. "It's like there is some hope, if this thing can last after all the stuff that has happened in Iraq." The places where Fort Lewis and other U.S. soldiers are fighting in Iraq are exceptionally rich in history. Cities might be garbage-strewn battle zones now, but this is still Mesopotamia, cradle of civilization. "It kind of makes you feel like you are not just in a counterinsurgency fight but something real, with some historic significance," said Lt. Col. Ken Kamper of DuPont, commander of the artillery unit. The Mosul area, where most Fort Lewis soldiers in Iraq are stationed, was the capital of the powerful Assyrian empire 700 years before the birth of Christ. Jonah, the biblical figure fabled for being swallowed by a whale, is said to be entombed in a mosque in a dangerous part of Mosul. There's an abandoned Christian monastery dating from sometime before 595 on Forward Operating Base Marez, where Fort Lewis soldiers in Mosul live. The chaplain gives tours. Academics say the Hatra site, 68 miles southwest of Mosul, is arguably the most spectacular archaeological site in Iraq. It is one of two places in the country to be designated by the United Nations as a World Heritage Site. The other is the city of Ashur, the capital of ancient Assyria. Hatra, built mostly of limestone and gypsum, blends Greek, Roman and Arab architecture. Remains of public baths, statues and defensive towers give a feel for its former grandeur. It's not known how much more remains under the ground. About 70 percent of the ancient city's 750 acres have yet to be excavated. Staff Sgt. Adam Armstrong, 30, of Puyallup had his re-enlistment ceremony at Hatra. Inscriptions within the ruins are mostly in Aramaic, the language Christ spoke. "I'm a Christian, and this is over 2,000 years old," Armstrong said. "Knowing Christ possibly could have walked on these grounds is phenomenal." Hollywood took note of the ruins in the early 1970s. Hatra is featured in the opening scene of "The Exorcist" as the site where a priest discovers a relic foreshadowing that he soon will face evil. The ruins also are a testament to Saddam Hussein's staggering ego. Saddam ordered that the bricks used in renovating the historic site in the 1990s had to be carved with his initials. The new era of violence in Iraq has affected the ruins. A U.N. archeological team investigated the site and found looters had damaged two features after the U.S. invasion in 2003. The archaeologists also complained the United States was threatening the stability of the buildings through the destruction of stockpiles from a nearby Iraqi ammo dump. "These delicate and sensitive remains are vulnerable to permanent and irreparable damage owing to the detonation of recovered ordnance nearby," Jane Waldbaum, president of the Archaeological Institute of America, wrote the U.S. government in 2004. The blasts were reduced, and the U.S. and Iraqi forces have now secured relative calm in the area, although insurgents operate not far away. Archaeologists still find Hatra too dangerous for excavations, and few visitors come to the site. "If they fix it, we can have tourists and stuff like the way we used to have," said Mahamed Hamed Al Ahmade, an Iraqi policeman who helps guard the Hatra Ruins. "Before the (Saddam) regime fell, people used to come from all over the world." Local sheiks have asked the Fort Lewis soldiers to help protect the Hatra site. Kamper's artillery battalion is able to do a lot of reconstruction work in this rural region because it is more stable than Mosul or Baghdad. The Stryker brigade troops said they want to add Hatra protection to the list, although a bid for a security fence came in too high at $700,000. The unit is working on finding other ways to make sure the site is secure. Assyrian Students at the Summer School in Damascus (ZNDA: Damascus) Below is the photo taken on 22 September in Damascus, Syria, of this year's graduation ceremony where 268 Assyrian students attended. The ceremony was held at the Hall of the Ibrahem Al-Khaleel Church in the Garamana District in Damascus. Fourteen volunteer teachers instructed the students this year. Photo is provided to Zinda Magazine courtesy of Mr. Toma Rowel Youkhana in Amman, Jordan. |
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Choosing the Right Policy for Assyrian National Rights in Iraq Part I There are two ways Assyrians are seeking autonomy in Iraq. One policy in the national dialogue is to support the Assyrian representatives in the Kurdish government as the national leader, and involve the churches with the national destiny of Assyrians. The other policy is to support the Assyrian Democratic Movement, their elected Iraqi member of Parliament, and their activities in Iraq, separating religious leaders from the democratic process. Those who seek Assyrian rights in Iraq are confounded with anger, confusion, bitterness, and sheer stubborn defense of the organizations they have chosen to defend. The blind tend to follow the blind, on both sides of the issue, on who exactly should speak for Assyrians in Iraq. I have attempted to outline the two main policies people are advocating, with their strengths and weaknesses. The policy idea – Working within the Kurdish Regional Government, the Assyrian appointees, and the Assyrian churches for representation and leadership in Iraqi Kurdistan While it is generally accepted in the Assyrian community that the Kurds do not have the interest of Assyrians in mind for the long haul, some argue that the support should be given to the Assyrian Minister in the KRG, Sarkis Aghajan, because he is working toward uniting the churches, claiming territory for Assyrians in the Nineveh Plains (mostly Chaldean Catholics) and has funneled millions of dollars to Assyrians to rebuild churches and homes. These seem to be, at face value, true. But moving past short-term “gifts” of Aghajan and his employers, the KRG, is imperative if we are to plan, as we should, for long-term sustainability in the Assyrian issue in Iraq. The policy strengths The main strength of this policy is the tangibility of it: the KRG and their finance Minister, Sarkis Aghajan, have shown tangible results in their efforts to help the Assyrians of Iraqi Kurdistan. Such tangible results include: Ishtar T.V., a Kurdish funded Assyrian satellite channel, homes for certain neighborhoods, churches, and many many visits between the Kurdish authorities and Assyrian Patriarchs and Bishops (Syriac Orthodox, Chaldean Catholic, and Church of the East). Regardless of the motivations behind these gifts, medals of honor, and attention, they are things that those who support this policy can point to and say: “See – we support those who bear fruit, regardless of where it comes from. Aghajan and the KRG are producing for the Assyrians, and it is foolish to bite the hand that feeds you”. Another strength of this policy is that the seeming need for Assyrians by the KDP has brought attention to the Assyrians, and allocation of resources to the Nineveh Plain. The KRG ultimately wants as much land as possible, and that includes cities like Kirkuk and Mosul. Those who oppose the KRG control of these two cities are not just the Turks and Arabs, but also Assyrians. Since the Assyrians are doing a (pretty good job) of making civil rights abuses and human and economic discrimination by the Kurds against the Assyrians public and well known, the Kurds are forced to “play nice” and attempt to reconcile relationship with the Assyrians, especially of the Nineveh Plain, as it lies just outside Iraqi Kurdistan and next to Mosul City. Therefore, Assyrians are reaping the benefits of being “needed” by the Kurds to eventually increase the size of Iraqi Kurdistan. A lesser understood benefit of this policy is that the power to federalize the Nineveh Plains will be out of the hands of Yonadam Kanna, Secretary General of the Assyrian Democratic Movement and a deeply controversial figure. Those who would rather work with the Kurdistan Finance Minister, Sarkis Aghajan, accuse Kanna of pocketing Assyrian dollars and of being a Mukhabarat agent for the Ba’athists at some point. As a disclaimer, none of these points have been proven, and are, as of yet, rumor, mostly discussed by those who strongly dislike the Assyrian Democratic Movement. But wrestling the Nineveh Plains issue from the ADM and the Baghdad government and putting it in the hands of Aghajan and Kurds is seen as a patriotic move. The policy weaknesses First, the clearest weakness of this policy can be wrapped up in a sentence I heard on Ashur T.V. on Saturday, October 21, 2006: This policy advocates for the Nineveh Plains to be a “piece of a ‘piece’, rather than a piece of the ‘whole’”.
In other words, to allow Sarkis Aghajan and Kurds more power over the Nineveh Plains than the government in Baghdad means that the authority over the Assyrian area will be the Kurdish Regional Government. All monies, resources, contracts, and anything the Assyrians of the Nineveh Plains would need or want in the future would have to be asked for by the Kurdish Regional government for the Assyrian, and then be given to the Kurdish Regional Government before it reaches the Assyrians. In other words, Kurds would be the middle man. Second, for Assyrians to sustain under this policy, something else must happen: the success and security of Kurdistan. Sarkis Aghajan is given money at his seeming discretion to build homes for Assyrians in the North, and Kurdish funded Ishtar T.V. is a success. The Kurds are, for lack of a better word, caring for the Assyrians in what they want to be their territory. So for this policy to continue, Assyrians should not only support Sarkis Aghajan, but also the government that employs him, the KRG. The success – economic and political – of Kurdistan is imperative for Assyrians to live in peace for this policy to be sustainable, and also of the KDP and their permanent majority in the KRG. It isn’t known, for example, if the PUK takes power in the North, what the policy with Assyrians will be. Or, should the Islamic Kurdish parties take over, if they would continue the KDP policy of building homes and churches for their Assyrian population. It would be futile to assume the KDP will always be there to have Sarkis Aghajan as Minister to always help Assyrians. Think long term. As I stated above, the need for the Assyrians has brought attention and resources from Kurds. We do not, however, know the consequences of successfully creating a Nineveh Governorate under Kurdish control. Once they do not need Assyrians anymore, and they have acquired the Nineveh Plain, the attention – and resources - may wane. Especially if the idea is to first gain an area under Kurds and then gain the area for Assyrian control, separately. This is impossible, and creating more work than necessary. The Iraqi government is the one to lobby for autonomy, as it is within the Iraqi constitution. There is no such provision for “secession” from Iraqi Kurdistan, only “protection of minority” clauses. It is possible Kurds simply want the area in their territory, and what we do after that is no |